Pubdate: Thu, 24 Aug 2000
Source: Christian Science Monitor (US)
Copyright: 2000 The Christian Science Publishing Society.
Contact:  One Norway Street, Boston, MA 02115
Fax: (617) 450-2031
Website: http://www.csmonitor.com/
Forum: http://www.csmonitor.com/atcsmonitor/vox/p-vox.html
Author: Peter Hakim
Note: Peter Hakim is president of the Inter-American Dialogue.

CLINTON'S DAY IN COLOMBIA - ENOUGH TO HELP?

When President Clinton travels to Cartagena, Colombia, next week, it will 
be the most important of his half-dozen or so visits to Latin America 
during his two terms.

Following the approval two months ago of $1.3 billion in security 
assistance to Colombia, Mr. Clinton's visit underscores the priority 
Washington assigns this nation of 40 million people.

Colombia demands that kind of attention.

The world's largest supplier of cocaine, Colombia today is trapped in a 
bloody guerrilla war. It also suffers extensive criminal violence, 
widespread human rights violations, a distressed economy, and an 
increasingly alienated and distrustful population. Continuing deterioration 
of Colombia's situation puts the future of the nation's democratic 
institutions at risk and threatens to spread instability to five bordering 
countries.

Clinton will spend just one day in Colombia, but this is enough time for 
him to pursue three vital policy objectives.

First, he must try to make clear to Americans what the US has at stake in 
Colombia and why the US should make a long-term commitment to that country. 
The argument is only partially about drugs.

More attention now must be paid to how US support can enhance prospects for 
peace, reconciliation, and the rule of law, in part by helping to turn 
Colombia's Army into a more professional force.

Clinton also needs to explain to taxpayers why progress on these fronts in 
Colombia is important for democracy across the hemisphere and for US-Latin 
American relations.

Clinton should show he is aware of the concerns that Colombia may become a 
Vietnam-style quagmire for the US. He can address these concerns head-on - 
by citing Colombia's impressive history of democratic governance and 
leaving no doubt that US troops will not be used in combat.

Second, Clinton has the opportunity to bolster the Pastrana government in 
Colombia and promote its peace-making efforts.

Right after his election, before taking office, President Andres Pastrana, 
with broad national backing, moved boldly to engage Colombia's guerrilla 
forces in peace negotiations. But since then, Mr. Pastrana's public support 
has eroded as guerrilla intransigence stalls the peace process, the economy 
struggles through depression, and violence and corruption remain unchecked.

Clinton's presence alone shows the Pastrana government has succeeded in one 
crucial area: It has managed to gain the confidence and support of the US, 
which is reassuring for most Colombians.

But beyond boosting the government's authority, Clinton can and should 
state in no uncertain terms that Washington fully supports Pastrana's peace 
initiatives and that US assistance to Colombia is designed to help make 
those initiatives work - not primarily to fight the US battle against drugs.

Clinton, however, must also convey to Pastrana that the US commitment 
depends on his government taking decisive action to curtail human rights 
abuses and to sever the Colombian Army's remaining ties to the country's 
brutal paramilitary organizations. Clinton and his advisers could help in 
another way - by figuring out how to extend to Colombia the benefits of 
recently approved Caribbean trade legislation - or, better yet, by 
considering how to bring Colombia (along with Chile) into the North 
American Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico. In the long run, 
enhanced trade with the US will be more valuable to Colombia than continued 
aid.

Third, other countries in Latin America and Europe will be closely watching 
what Clinton says in Colombia. The support of these countries is needed to 
help Colombia settle its conflicts.

Many of the countries are suspicious of US motives and troubled by the US 
focus on military aid and antidrug rhetoric.

Like US opponents of the administration's policy, some fear a Vietnam-type 
debacle.

Their political support and financial assistance, which is considered 
essential to supplement US and Colombian resources, has been lagging.

Clinton should make clear that the US understands that Colombia's problems 
need to be addressed multilaterally - and the US is prepared to work 
cooperatively with other countries and to accept the common agenda of 
building peace and achieving reconciliation in Colombia. It must be plain 
that the US is not pursuing or planning to pursue a military victory in 
Colombia.

This is a tall order for a single day's work. But, if he succeeds, Clinton 
will make an enormous contribution to the future of Colombia - and to US 
interests in Latin American. This is an opportunity to show that the US can 
respond constructively to hemispheric crises.
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