Pubdate: Mon, 28 Aug 2000
Source: Lawrence Journal-World (KS)
Copyright: 2000 The Lawrence Journal-World
Contact:  P.O Box 888, Lawrence, Kansas 66044
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Author: Jim Hoagland, Washington Post Writers Group
Note: Jim Hoagland is a columnist for Washington Post Writers Group.

DRUG PLAN REALLY ABOUT POLITICS

Washington -- President Clinton bought $1.3 billion worth of political 
cover last week by giving final authorization to a controversial anti-drug 
aid package for Colombia. He will visit, ever so briefly, that South 
American country on Aug. 30 to check on his investment.

Clinton hauls in a bargain, since the money is not his. He buys protection 
for the Democrats against silly charges of being soft on drugs, and throws 
in a presidential stopover for a few hours in a place that is every 
security agent's nightmare.

U.S. taxpayers may get more than they realize or ultimately want for their 
money. The investment engages the United States in a civil war on the side 
of military forces it cannot control or easily monitor. And Plan Colombia 
will not produce a victory over drug trafficking and use, unfortunately.

The aid package fosters the illusion that Washington is coping with an 
intractable social and criminal problem at home that shows no sign of going 
away. That is the point of political cover, of course, and its peril.

America's politicians are not dealing honestly with the national drug 
epidemic that is overwhelming our available medical, social and criminal 
justice resources. They are not likely to do so until the country has a 
president who will stage a national intervention.

That is, a president who will honestly, persistently and clearly explain to 
the nation the severity of the problem and then acknowledge the inadequacy 
of the current approach. That president will charge every elected official 
at municipal, state and federal levels with the responsibility for working 
to lessen the drug burden on American society every day and then to hold 
them to it.

The national intervention would turn the spotlight on these officials, 
rather than on Colombia's guerrilla-fighting forces or Mexico's president, 
and the key role Americans must play in the struggle against narcotics. 
Political involvement in drug abuse education, rehabilitation and 
enlightened law enforcement remains spotty, and at odds with inflated 
rhetoric about waging "war" on drugs.

Representative governments routinely purchase political cover when an 
intractable problem upsets their electorates. They deflect blame onto 
others or build minimal plausible claims they are doing the best anyone 
possibly could.

But political cover eventually becomes the governmental equivalent of the 
drug user's psychological state of denial, blocking honest attempts to come 
to terms with the problem.

Even in his final months Clinton is unwilling to take on demagogues to his 
far right. He seeks to placate or neutralize them with Plan Colombia. It is 
not that on drugs, missile defense and other issues Clinton is worse than 
the Republican congressional leadership; it is that in the end he is no 
better, though he has the opportunity to be so.

Clinton's signature on a national security waiver on Wednesday cleared the 
way for the military-heavy aid program to Colombia to proceed despite 
concerns in Washington about human rights abuses by Colombia's forces.

Clinton justified the waiver in terms of progress being made by Colombia's 
army in reducing human rights abuses in the field, immediately touching off 
criticism from liberal Democrats who do not want to fund potential atrocities.

Both the justification and the criticism miss the larger point: Aid of $1.3 
billion will not buy Washington control over Colombia's desperate forces as 
they operate in war zones. Humanitarian restrictions on U.S. aid have to be 
designed and implemented to protect Americans, not Colombians or other 
potential targets of abuse who are beyond American protection.

Americans need to be protected against the folly of unsustainable 
commitments abroad, which drain national treasure and credibility. The 
American public has demonstrated in ways big and small, in Vietnam, Somalia 
and El Salvador, that it will not support the use of force when that force 
creates as much suffering and abuse as it was intended to resolve.

When governments credibly show the use of force contributes to stability 
and reduces oppression, as in Iraq, Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor, support 
is sustained for military and peacekeeping operations.

Human rights restrictions on U.S. aid should serve as a guardrail against 
commitments that will be abandoned later under public pressure. Properly 
crafted, such legislation raises legitimate questions about the extent and 
nature of U.S. involvement and flashes warning lights.

That care and foresight is missing in Plan Colombia, which is about 
politics, not about drugs or human rights or insurgency. Colombia is 
certainly no Vietnam. But Washington is still Washington, and that is where 
the true danger lies in this situation.
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MAP posted-by: Larry Stevens