Pubdate: Sun, 17 Sep 2000 Source: Sacramento Bee (CA) Copyright: 2000 The Sacramento Bee Contact: P.O.Box 15779, Sacramento CA 95852 Feedback: http://www.sacbee.com/about_us/sacbeemail.html Website: http://www.sacbee.com/ Forum: http://www.sacbee.com/voices/voices_forum.html Author: Andy Furillo Cited: TLC-DPF: http://www.drugpolicy.org/ Related: The Washington Post OPED: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v97/n000/a03.html Bookmarks: For George Soros items: http://www.mapinc.org/soros.htm Proposition 36 items: http://www.mapinc.org/prop36.htm Also: Proposition 36 website: http://www.drugreform.org/ PHILANTHROPIST CRUSADES AGAINST NATION'S DRUG WAR The 29th-richest man in the world is putting up hundreds of thousands of dollars to make California a prime battleground in the war on drugs, taking on an enemy he considers far worse than the ravages of addiction: totalitarianism. A Jew who survived the Nazi occupation of Hungary and an anti-communist who fled the subsequent Soviet domination of his native country, George Soros believes he's well-qualified to spot a totalitarian mind-set. And he thinks he sees one at work in the way the U.S. government is waging the drug war. In Soros' view, critics of the government's drug policies get branded as subversives, people who vote for softening drug use penalties get labeled as dupes and tens of thousands of addicts suffering from an illness -- addiction -- are treated as criminals. An international financier and philanthropist worth $4 billion, according to Forbes Magazine, Soros has spent $343,333 and committed himself to spending hundreds of thousands more on behalf of Proposition 36. The November ballot initiative would mandate treatment instead of jail or prison for anybody arrested for possession of illegal drugs for personal use. Soros, who lives and works in New York, has been inundated with interview requests this year and is declining them all, according to a spokesperson. But Ethan Nadelman, the money magnate's point man in the drug debate, said Soros' relatively recent political involvement is a natural outgrowth of his desire to move substance abuse from the arena of criminal justice to that of public health. "He regards the incarceration (nationwide) of 2 million people overall, and a quarter of them on drug charges, as essentially an affront to human rights and as foolish, counterproductive public policy," said Nadelman, director of the Lindesmith Center, a Soros-funded drug reform institute in New York. This year's California campaign is just the latest counterattack on the drug war featuring Soros as a major backer. In the last four years, he has spent $1.4 million on seven successful drug decriminalization campaigns around the country. More than a third of that amount went to Proposition 215, the medicinal marijuana initiative approved by California voters in 1996. Soros has given nearly $900,000 more to finance four other drug decriminalization efforts on ballots around the country this November -- in Massachusetts, Oregon, Utah and Nevada -- on top of California's Proposition 36. The California initiative would require treatment programs for virtually anyone convicted of possession of even the hardest drugs, including heroin, cocaine, PCP and methamphetamine. It would require the state to spend $120 million to fund those programs. The Legislative Analyst's Office estimates that 36,000 California drug offenders would be diverted from jails and prisons to treatment after their convictions. The Massachusetts initiative is a virtual carbon copy of the California measure. The Oregon and Utah proposals would prevent authorities from seizing the assets of drug dealers unless the culprits are convicted. Even when forfeitures are allowed, the assets would go to drug treatment in Oregon and education in Utah, instead of to law enforcement. Nevada will vote in November on a clean-up measure to its already-passed medical marijuana initiative. In addition to Nevada's earlier measure, past successful drug decriminalization measures in the District of Columbia and four other states -- Alaska, Arizona, Washington and Oregon -- were financed in large part by Soros. Soros' background hardly suggests he would become a leader in the drug decriminalization movement in the United States. The son of a Budapest lawyer, Soros survived the Nazi occupation thanks to his father's ability to pay for hiding places, according to Soros' autobiography. He migrated to England in 1947, graduated from the London School of Economics and moved to the United States in the mid-1950s, where he got into international finance and became wealthy as a Wall Street arbitrageur. In 1970, he set up a $4 million investment fund that has since grown to $12 billion. Soros sent shock waves through the financial world on Sept. 16, 1992, when he sold short against the British pound and made $1 billion over the course of an afternoon. That huge profit financed Soros' philanthropic work, which exploded across the globe during the next several years. And it bankrolled his domestic agenda: reform of the nation's welfare, immigration and drug policies. Over the years, Soros also contributed money to the assisted suicide movement; just another reflection, his supporters say, of his concern for society's most down and out. "The great paradox of George Soros is that he understands how society operates to produce underdogs," said Craig Reinerman, a UC Santa Cruz sociology professor and adviser to Soros on drug policy. "So he uses his resources in a way to make the playing field a little more level. "He doesn't have an orthodox bone in his body," Reinerman added. Soros' campaign contributions have made him a giant in the national drug decriminalization movement, but the issue only occupies a microscopic portion of his time and attention, his spokesman said. Most of Soros' focus is devoted to managing his $12 billion Quantum Fund, which requires participants to invest at least $10 million. His remaining energy is largely devoted to his philanthropy; his New York-based Open Society Institute reports spending $560 million on charitable giving in 1999 alone. Some of his fortune paid for textbooks in Kosovo, and for mass exhumations in Guatemala to help people identify and properly bury relatives believed to have been slain by the country's military regime. He sponsored international roundtables supporting democracy in Burma. He helped fund an anti-carjacking project in South Africa and a mobile library in Mongolia. But it's his stateside attack on government drug policy that has earned him the ire of officials such as Gen. Barry McCaffrey, head of President Clinton's Office of Drug Control Policy; and Joseph Califano, director of the National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse in New York. It was Califano who, in 1996, said California and Arizona voters were "bamboozled" when they approved their decriminalization measures. Such officials favor keeping substance abuse policies strongly linked to the criminal justice system. They have labeled Soros a "legalizer" whose campaigns could undermine their achievements. "This is certainly not an evil man," McCaffrey spokesman Bob Weiner said of Soros. "But he may not recognize that actually America's drug prevention efforts are working, and he may not recognize that legalization will drive youth drug use -- and all the harm involved with it -- way up." Soros stated his position clearly in a February 1997 op-ed article in the Washington Post: "The war on drugs is doing more harm to our society than drug abuse itself," he wrote. He described the "drug war" as inimical to the concept of "the open society," which is his ideological starting point. The open society theory holds that perfection is unattainable and that any government that thinks it can attain it is tilting toward totalitarianism. Such a concept of perfection, he wrote, is inherent in the idea of a "drug-free America," which he called "a utopian dream." "Insisting on the total eradiction of drug use can only lead to failure and disappointment," Soros wrote. Instead, Soros says the government should concentrate its efforts on reducing harm caused by drugs, through methodone maintenance, needle exchanges and other means. Soros' people say he has spent $25 million over the past decade on his counterattack to the U.S. drug war, not counting his political spending. About $5 million went to needle exchange programs, they say, including $1 million to the Tides Foundation in San Francisco. Millions more went for research and scholarship focusing on what he views as the "criminalization" of drug dependency. His first foray into drug politics did not occur until 1996, with medical marijuana initiatives in California, Washington and Arizona. In the Golden State, it was Soros point man Nadelman who made the first contacts on behalf of the billionaire. In late 1995, Nadelman asked California political consultant Bill Zimmerman to get a handle on the sputtering medical marijuana campaign. When Zimmerman told him the signature gathering effort was in trouble, Nadelman breathed some financial life into the effort with Soros' money. This year, as in past campaigns, Soros is joined in financial backing for the efforts in California and elsewhere by University of Phoenix founder John Sperling and Progressive Insurance President Peter Lewis. Lewis could not be reached for comment, but Sperling said, "Everyone realizes the drug war is a fraud." Soros' past victories and the early polls in California, where the Field Poll last month showed Proposition 36 ahead by a 55 percent to 27 percent margin, indicate his call for drug policy reform is getting a favorable reception from the public. "I look forward to the day," Soros wrote in the Washington Post article, "when the nation's drug control policies better reflect the ideals of an open society." - --- MAP posted-by: Richard Lake