Pubdate: Thu, 02 Mar 2000 Source: Boston Globe (MA) Copyright: 2000 Globe Newspaper Company. Contact: P.O. Box 2378, Boston, MA 02107-2378 Feedback: http://extranet.globe.com/LettersEditor/default.asp Website: http://www.boston.com/globe/ Author: Barry R. McCaffrey Note: Barry R. McCaffrey is director of the White House Office of National Drug-Control Policy. "RESCUING COLOMBIA" American interests at home and in South America have been increasingly threatened by the crisis in Colombia. We must protect ourselves from the flow of Colombian heroin and cocaine. And we must support the democratic government, the rule of law, economic stability, and human rights in that beleaguered country. The administration has proposed a two-year assistance package of $1.6 billion. Colombia would receive equipment such as UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters, training and technical assistance for its police and criminal justice system, funds for alternate economic development, drug interdiction, and support for peace initiatives. Peru and Bolivia, which have achieved dramatic reductions in cocaine production, would also receive modest enhancements in US aid. The Pastrana government has committed $4 billion to ''Plan Colombia'' and requested $3.5 billion in bilateral foreign assistance from the international community. Colombia estimates that $7.5 billion will be required over the next three years to reverse the country's role as the hemispheric hub for drugs. Efforts are underway to build support among potential donors in Europe and Asia. The world has come to realize that the drug problem is multinational and demands an international response. A nation the size of Texas, New Mexico, and Arkansas combined, Colombia is home to 38 million citizens caught in the crossfire between 20,000 guerrillas, 6,000 paramilitary terrorists, and national democratic forces trying to define an elected government. The level of violence is greatly exacerbated by drug profits, which fuel different parties to the conflict and allow outlaw factions to purchase more weapons. Some 35,000 Colombians have been killed in the past decade in Latin America's longest-running internal conflict. If the United States doesn't help, even greater quantities of cocaine and heroin are likely to be exported. Colombia's role in the drug trade has changed over the last decade. As coca cultivation plummeted in Peru (down 66 percent since 1995) and in Bolivia (down 55 percent since 1995), it rose in Colombia by 140 percent - an increase compounded by the introduction of a higher-yield strain of plant. New cultivation is concentrated in the guerrilla-dominated areas of the Putumayo and Norte de Santander. In the past, Colombia primarily distributed Peruvian and Bolivian cocaine. Now it produces 520 metric tons of cocaine a year, two-thirds of the world's total. At the beginning of the 1990s, Colombian drug organizations made a strategic decision to enter the heroin business. Opium poppies can be grown year-round in Colombia with multiple harvests. A majority of the heroin seized on America's eastern seaboard now comes from Colombia. After the demise of integrated cartels based in Medellin and Cali, smaller cells began specializing in limited aspects of the drug trade. Such groups are hard to disrupt. Dismantling one has little impact on the others. The increase in drug production acted like gasoline thrown on the fire of Colombia's insurgency problems. Guerrilla and paramilitary groups on both the left and right profit enormously from the drug trade and organize peasants who grow illegal substances. The drug industry swelled the war chests of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, National Liberation Army, and the AUC (a paramilitary group). Dollar estimates of their income from drugs run as high as hundreds of millions annually. Drug money augments the funds such organizations get from kidnapping, extortion, and bank robbery. The US State Department has documented that these groups hijack airplanes and murder Americans as well as innocent Colombians. Serious human-rights violations committed by the outlaws include executing prisoners, torture, expropriating property, and recruiting minors. Colombia's economy is shrinking for the first time in three decades. The gross national product decreased 5 percent in the first six months of 1999. Unemployment exceeds 20 percent. Displaced people, especially in rural areas, are seeking paid jobs with narco-traffickers and illegal armed groups. Recruits reportedly earn twice as much as army conscripts. With nearly a million citizens having lost their homes, Colombia has more displaced people than Kosovo. Without help from international partners, the Colombian government will be unable to reduce narco-trafficking or regain control of areas where illegal drugs are flourishing. The old drug dichotomy between source countries and consumer nations is misleading. Drugs are used wherever they are produced. Therefore, a global strategy is imperative against international trafficking. Colombia is too close geographically to pretend that we are not affected. It is in our national interest to support Colombia's strategy for combating illegal drugs. Our families and communities are poisoned by these substances. Barry R. McCaffrey is director of the White House Office of National Drug-Control Policy. - --- MAP posted-by: Derek Rea