Pubdate: Mon, 01 May 2000 Source: Irish Examiner (Ireland) Copyright: Examiner Publications Ltd, 2000 Contact: http://www.examiner.ie/ Author: Eamonn Meehan DRUG WAR TO DEEPEN COLOMBIA'S MISERY 35,000 people died violently in Colombia last year. But US attempts to eradicate the country’s drug trade, will only lead to more deaths, argues Eamonn Meehan, Trocaire’s Head of Overseas Department Colombia is a country at war. The conflict which has gone on for over 50 years has recently intensified and is set to become even more vicious with new plans to attempt to forcibly eradicate the production of the coca plant, the main source of cocaine on the US market. As the war intensifies around the attempt to destroy the coca crop, those who have suffered most in this war - the peasant farmers and urban poor - will again pay a heavy price. Decades of conflict have left Colombia a divided country. In 1999, 35,000 people died violently. Approximately 7,500 of these died as a direct result of the armed conflict. The other 27,500 were victims of urban gang violence, murder, family violence, even road rage. The militarisation of the country has meant that most conflict is resolved violently. Much of the country is now unsafe for travel by road with guerrilla groups and paramilitaries controlling expanding pockets of territory. Decades of political mismanagement, corruption and the denial of basic rights to millions of poor Colombians has left a polarised society where political power is in the hands of a complacent and self interested elite. As a result of the failure of political activity, guerrilla groups sprang up to claim by force what was unavailable through politics. The three main guerrilla groups currently at war with the state have an estimated 37,000 armed men. The largest, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, has 10,000. A paramilitary force of about 10,000 has emerged to fight the guerrillas and, as they see it, protect their property and their country. The current reality is that neither the guerrillas nor the paramilitaries have significant support among the population. Both have caused the displacement of over 1.9 million people (275,000 in 1999 alone), they do not respect the neutrality of civilian populations and murder those suspected of supporting the other side. Both also profit significantly from the illegal drugs trade. International human rights organisations have documented serious human rights abuses by all sides, including the Colombian army. There is evidence of the army and the paramilitaries acting together and of the army allowing the paramilitaries to carry out massacres and then allowing them to slip away. A Human Rights Watch report published in February this year documents cases of army officers setting up paramilitary groups, of army officers and army units working in collaboration with paramilitaries including providing weapons and helicopter support, and of army intelligence providing information to paramilitary groups on those involved in human rights protection and peace talks. An entire political party, the Union Patriotica, has been wiped out through the systematic murder of thousands of its members and supporters while massacres of peasants and urban dwellers are now a weekly occurrence. Hundreds of community workers, human rights workers, trade unionists and lawyers have been murdered. Hundreds of thousands of displaced people live in wretched conditions with little assistance from the state, having been forced from their small farms into the already over crowded and violent slums which surround all of Colombia’s cities. Rural communities close to contested areas live in constant fear. In one case which was recounted to me, an allegation of having sold eggs to a group of guerrillas led to a massacre of five people by paramilitaries in a small rural community. International humanitarian law is flouted on a daily basis with civilians intimidated, displaced and murdered without regard for their non combatant status. More people have died in the last five years in Colombia than in Central America’s wars of the 1980s. The increase in coca production to over 100,000 hectares has prompted the US and Colombian governments to propose the “Plan Colombia”, a so called “assistance” package worth $1.7 billion with $1.4 billion of this for military equipment and three new army battalions which will be used in an attempt to eradicate the coca crop and eliminate any opposition. It is hoped that this will remove a key resource from the guerrillas and weaken their ability to fund a war. Many believe that the plan will not work having more to do with internal US politics on drugs than with ending the violence in Colombia. It will certainly lead to more displacement - figures of between 50,000 and 200,000 are quoted - and to an intensification of the conflict. Previous experience indicates that if coca production is reduced or eliminated in one place it springs up in another. Throughout the 1990s, the US has attempted to eliminate the production of coca in the Andes with no success. All it has achieved is the shifting of production from country to country with no reduction of the availability of cocaine on the US market. This latest effort will be unlikely to reduce the amount of cocaine available in the US, but it will certainly increase human suffering in Colombia and cause significant environmental and health problems. There is no real strategy to promote crop substitution to support those peasant farmers who will lose their sole means of supporting their families and no targeting of the drug traffickers. Eradication efforts on their own will only lead to coca production spreading to new areas and possibly to other South American countries such as Venezuela and Brazil. The second element of this “Plan Colombia” calls for the countries of the European Union to come up with an additional $1.7 billion for development and humanitarian assistance. While Colombia needs development assistance, it needs to be carefully planned and with a significant chance of sustainability. EU countries thinking of supporting the Plan must ensure that this assistance is not just to pick up the pieces after a military campaign of doubtful benefit and certain suffering for innocent civilians. It should also be noted that there has been no public debate on the strategies proposed in the “Plan Colombia”. Colombians have had no opportunity to hear the Plan presented in detail. A chink of light on the horizon are the peace talks which began between the government and the FARC on April 9. These are likely to make slow progress and could take years to reach a conclusion. In the meantime, the war continues to intensify. Those in the middle, campaigners for peace, community organisations, human rights activists try to promote alternatives to violence. Despite recent visits to Europe by both the FARC leadership and the Colombian government there is, unfortunately, little international mediation support in the peace process. It is urgently needed as otherwise this attempt at a peace process may run into the sands like others before it. I returned from Colombia in time to attend the a lecture delivered by Nelson Mandela. During his lecture, Mr Mandela said that before you can contemplate changing your opponent you need first to change yourself. What a pity this simple but important message does not seem to be understood by those who control the economy and politics of Colombia. They do not yet seem willing to accept that the violence which has devastated their rich and beautiful land is caused by poverty and exclusion. Blaming it on the coca plant is just the latest reason to deny reality. - --- MAP posted-by: Derek Rea