Pubdate: Sat, 6 Jan 2001 Source: New York Times (NY) Copyright: 2001 The New York Times Company Contact: 229 West 43rd Street, New York, NY 10036 Fax: (212) 556-3622 Website: http://www.nytimes.com/ Forum: http://forums.nytimes.com/comment/ Author: Anthony Lewis Column: Abroad At Home Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/find?178 (Ashcroft, John) OUT OF SIGHT BOSTON -- The district attorney of Kings County (Brooklyn), N.Y., Charles J. Hynes, has for 10 years run a program that diverts nonviolent drug offenders from prison to treatment: a tough residential regimen of up to two years. It has been a great success. Those who complete the program get into renewed trouble with the law at half the rate of other drug offenders. Congress came close last month to authorizing federal grants for drug treatment alternatives on that model. A bill sponsored by two Republicans, Orrin Hatch and Strom Thurmond, and a Democrat, Charles E. Schumer, passed the Senate; another passed the House with the support of such conservatives as Bob Barr of Georgia. But the two versions were not reconciled before Congress adjourned. Given that support for drug treatment alternatives, District Attorney Hynes was troubled when he learned that John Ashcroft, George W. Bush's choice for attorney general, had spoken against the idea. Senator Ashcroft told a conservative think tank in 1997: "A government which takes the resources that we would devote toward the interdiction of drugs and converts them to treatment resources, and instead of saying 'Just say no' says 'Just say maybe' or 'Just don't inhale' . . . is a government that accommodates us at our lowest and least." Senator Ashcroft thus scorned a policy that has the support of men as conservative as Strom Thurmond and Bob Barr. His position, on this as on so many issues, was out of sight on the far right of our politics. How would he as attorney general carry out a law, if Congress now passes it, to aid drug treatment alternatives as more effective and more economical than prison? District Attorney Hynes told me, "I would hope he would rethink his position." The same question arises on other issues. How would he enforce the law against disruption of clinics that provide abortion, when he has said that more than anything else he would like to forbid all abortions except to save the mother's life? How committed would he be to the civil rights laws, given his acceptance of an honorary degree from Bob Jones University and his statement that it was wrong to describe the Confederate cause -- the preservation of slavery -- as "perverted"? Senator Ashcroft was chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee's subcommittee on constitutional rights. He held hearings not on discrimination or freedom of speech or the like. His subjects included the right to gun ownership, punishment for burning the flag and reversing the Miranda decision. The Senate should be a place of diverse opinions, no matter how extreme. But the role of the attorney general is different. That is the point of the controversy about the choice of John Ashcroft. The question is whether the country can have confidence in someone so extreme to enforce the law impartially and with respect for our legal tradition. If he were not a former senator, the idea of a person with Mr. Ashcroft's views being attorney general would be regarded as grotesque. He would have no chance to be confirmed by the Senate. But because he was a member of the club, everyone is predicting his confirmation. The Christian right, which made the attorney general's job its number one demand, is all-out in its support. No one can expect detached appraisals from Republican senators. Senator Arlen Specter, a so-called moderate, wrote an Op-Ed piece for The New York Times calling for moderates in the cabinet -- and hastened to add that Senator Ashcroft was "an excellent nominee." As for Democratic senators, not one has had the courage so far to say that he will oppose the Ashcroft nomination. If Al Gore had been elected and had chosen someone far out on the left for the job, would conservative senators have been so deferential? Not bloody likely. The political turmoil of recent years has often swirled around the attorney general. We need a reassuring figure, one who can bring us back to confidence in the law. George W. Bush's failure to understand that is the worst aspect of this episode. After the turmoil of Watergate, President Gerald Ford made a non- political choice: Edward Levi, president of the University of Chicago, who restored the Justice Department's luster. Writing about President Ford during the Republican Convention last August, I asked whether George W. Bush, in choosing an attorney general, would follow Gerald Ford and put politics second to respect for law. We know the answer now. - --- MAP posted-by: Richard Lake