Pubdate: Sat, 14 Jul 2001 Source: New York Times (NY) Copyright: 2001 The New York Times Company Contact: http://www.nytimes.com/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/298 Author: Clifford Krauss INDIGNITIES MOUNT FOR PERU'S EX-SPY CHIEF AFTER LONG MANHUNT LIMA, Peru, July 11 -- Vladimiro L. Montesinos, the former spy chief who dominated Peru from the shadows for a decade and lived a life gilded with beachside mansions and diamond-crusted watches, is now spending his nights on a skimpy foam mattress over a cold slab of concrete. Food is delivered to him through a trapdoor in his tiny cell in the prison block inside the naval base in the port of Callao near Lima. There is a single spigot of cold water for washing up. He spends his time reading law books and a dogeared copy of the Peruvian Constitution under a single naked light bulb and a thin stream of light from a tiny skylight, according to senior law enforcement officials. There has been no shortage of indignities for Mr. Montesinos since his arrest almost three weeks ago in Venezuela after an eight-month manhunt that ended when the Federal Bureau of Investigation trapped an associate in Miami and persuaded him to pinpoint the hideout, in Caracas, of Latin America's most wanted fugitive. Life is not too likely to improve soon for the former spy who dominated Peru's extensive intelligence apparatus and armed forces for most of President Alberto K. Fujimori's tenure, from 1990 to last year. He faces 160 investigations into allegations that he used Mr. Fujimori's personal jet plane to smuggle drugs, trafficked arms to the largest guerrilla group in Colombia, laundered money and traded favors and bribes with Peru's most powerful politicians, executives and military leadership. It has been another strange turn for a 56-year-old spy whose Marxist father named him after Vladimir I. Lenin only to see him eventually join the army. As a young captain, Mr. Montesinos was cashiered in the late 1970's when his superiors learned that he was handing state secrets to the Central Intelligence Agency. After a year in jail, he studied law, became a lawyer for drug dealers and eventually became Mr. Fujimori's own tax and divorce lawyer. Mr. Montesinos was the man whom Mr. Fujimori relied on to fix his political and security problems. The C.I.A. turned to him to run an antidrug operation that it financed until last year, when reports of his bribing opposition legislators and smuggling arms to Colombia became widely known and sent the government into a tailspin. But since he was brought back to Lima in handcuffs, Mr. Montesinos has been reduced to complaining that his coat is too thin to keep him warm and that he has been denied his constitutional rights. For nine days, he went on a partial hunger strike -- he indulged in crackers, cookies and chocolates that he had squirreled away in his pockets -- in a vain effort to avoid incarceration in the high-security prison that he helped design to lock up Peru's six most notorious terrorists. He requested a meeting with two of those terrorist leaders, Abimael Guzman and Victor Polay, in the Callao prison courtyard, an effort, prosecutors surmise, to form an alliance to cause mischief. Prosecutors said that they had no intention to grant the request, but that when the two terrorists heard about the proposal they said they had no interest in the meeting anyway, prison officials said. "At first, Montesinos appeared beaten and defeated, but he quickly recovered to take over his own defense," the director of the prison system, Gino Costa, said. "Everyone who has met him says their jaws just drop when they observe his intense intellect and trapdoor memory. He's very charismatic and simpatico." Mr. Montesinos is also still cunning. He has let it be known that he has thousands of videotapes that he says show the intimacies of Peru's most powerful, including one that he says shows the top prosecutor investigating him snorting cocaine with a former justice minister. Law enforcement officials say Mr. Montesinos has tried to manipulate the 15 judges and prosecutors who are interviewing him with dissembling narratives that mix half-truths with baldfaced lies and to charm his guards by recalling their nicknames from the days when he was their boss. Several prosecutors and judges who have begun what promises to be months of interrogations say he is starting to cooperate with the prosecution by giving vital details on his vast telephone-taping operations and arms trafficking networks and naming seven senior- and middle-ranking officials who took part in his schemes. But he has refused to talk about any crimes punishable by life imprisonment like murder. "He's named people whom he has bribed," said Jose Carlos Ugaz, the special prosecutor who is investigating Mr. Montesinos and Mr. Fujimori. "Some of the things he says are true, and others are not. I think his strategy is to complicate the lives of his enemies and help those who want to help him like his family, his lovers and his allies. He wants to invalidate himself as a witness. But he cannot control his hatred for certain people." Among those whom Mr. Montesinos apparently hates is Mr. Ugaz, who said Mr. Montesinos had spoken against him to several judges last week. Mr. Ugaz said he was accused of using cocaine and requesting from Mr. Montesinos a $2 million bribe last year in Panama during the preliminary stages of his investigation. Mr. Ugaz denied both allegations. He said he had heard that Mr. Montesinos had also intimated in some interrogations that he has information about the sexual peccadilloes of several judges. Prosecutors have hundreds of captured videotapes made by Mr. Montesinos -- many of which have been shown on television -- some made in the presidential palace without Mr. Fujimori's knowledge. Officials said that the tapes documented many serious crimes and that since Mr. Montesinos's capture, several of his aides who are already under arrest, including members of the so-called Colina Group death squad, have begun to give important evidence. Law-enforcement officials said they were still seeking a clearer notion of how Mr. Montesinos managed his many enterprises, the exact nature of his relationship with Mr. Fujimori and whether the former spy had more money stashed abroad beyond the $264 million in bank accounts that they have found. Prosecutors say Mr. Montesinos will probably face three to four years of trials. If convicted, he could spend the rest of his life in jail unless he cooperates with prosecutors who are seeking a complete picture of official crimes in their ultimate objective to extradite and try Mr. Fujimori. The former president has been living in exile in Japan since fleeing there when his government collapsed in November. "It's probable that someone so close to Fujimori could have important evidence against him, and he could give up that evidence to help himself," Justice Minister Diego Garcia Sayan said in an interview. "Sincere confession can reduce penalties." Prosecutors said their investigations of Mr. Fujimori focused on his links to a death squad, his personal corruption and his connections to the international drug trade. Two members of the death squad, which operated in Lima in the early 90's, have told prosecutors that Mr. Montesinos had told them that Mr. Fujimori was aware of their existence, law enforcement officials said. But the former president's role in planning and controlling operations is unclear. Congresswoman Susana Higuchi, Mr. Fujimori's former wife, has accused him of siphoning $12.5 million in contributions from Japanese for poor Peruvian children. Mr. Fujimori has denied the allegation. But investigators here said they were trying to find the money. Mr. Ugaz said he was trying to confirm accusations by Roberto Escobar that his brother Carlos, the slain head of the Medellin drug cartel, had spoken directly with Mr. Fujimori to give him campaign contributions. "Various jailed capos," Mr. Ugaz said, "have told us that Fujimori and Montesinos handled all the drug trafficking between Peru and Colombia." Mr. Ugaz said the government hoped to deliver overwhelming evidence against Mr. Fujimori to Japan "to show that these accusations are common crimes, not political persecution." If Japan continues to insist that Mr. Fujimori is a Japanese citizen who cannot be extradited, Mr. Ugaz said, Peru will request that he be tried in Japan instead. - --- MAP posted-by: Beth