Pubdate: Thu, 12 Jul 2001 Source: Illinois Times (IL) Copyright: 2001 Yesse Communications Contact: http://www.illinoistimes.com Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/206 Author: Angel Paez, Alternet Note: Paez is a Peruvian member of the Center for Public Integrity's International Consortium of Investigative Journalists CASH FLOW CIA Gave Millions To Peru's Anti-Drug Chief The Central Intelligence Agency gave ex-Peruvian spymaster Vladimiro Montesinos at least $10 million in cash over the last decade and high-tech surveillance equipment that he used for personal gain. Montesinos, who now faces trial on murder, arms and drug trafficking charges, as well as murder, among others, had founded and personally controlled a counter-drug unit within Peru's National Intelligence Service, known by its Spanish acronym SIN. It was to that Narcotics Intelligence Division, known as DIN, that the CIA directed at least $10 million in cash payments from 1990 until September 2000, according to U.S. officials. Most of the money was to have financed intelligence activities in the drug war, though officials acknowledged a small part was for antiterrorist activities. The CIA knew the money was going directly to Montesinos and had receipts, the sources said. "It was an agency-to-agency relationship," said one U.S. official, speaking on condition of anonymity in Lima, the capital, "with Vladimiro Montesinos as the intermediary." The new information on Montesinos is part of an extensive soon-to-be-released report by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) on U.S. aid to Latin America. The material on Montesinos is based on multiple interviews with U.S. and Peruvian officials. A CIA spokesman in Washington denied any agency involvement with Montesinos. However, an intelligence official who asked not to be further identified confirmed that Montesinos had pocketed some, but not most, of the funds. He said that the CIA had been fully aware that Montesino was involved in corrupt deals and that the CIA had briefed the National Security Council, State Department and Pentagon about the alleged corruption. He said the agencies directed the CIA to continue to work with Montesinos because he was Peru's designated chief of counternarcotics. Montesinos disappeared in October as the regime of Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori collapsed under wide-ranging corruption allegations. He was seized in Venezuela on June 23 and returned to Peru on June 25 to face corruption charges. Over time, the United States accumulated evidence of corruption, human rights abuses and other anti-democratic actions by Montesinos, but it shrugged off the reports because Montesinos was a CIA asset. But the final blow appeared to be Montesinos double-dealing in Colombia. Montesinos used his CIA-backed position of influence to get rich and to betray his benefactors. He arranged an arms deal that sent at least 10,000 AK-47 assault rifles from Jordan to Colombia's leftist FARC guerrillas, collectively public enemy number one in the U.S. war on drugs in Latin America and the main target of Washington's $1.3 billion counternarcotics aid package to Colombia. Montesinos had long been fingered as corrupted by drug money, although many of the earlier claims that surfaced came from arrested drug dealers. But by 1997, the State Department began to document Montesinos' questionable activities in its annual human rights reports. The Senate Appropriations Committee noted in 1999 that it had "repeatedly expressed concern about U.S. support for the Peruvian National Intelligence Service" and requested that it "be consulted prior to any decision to provide assistance to the SIN." The CIA suspected that Montesinos was involved in some illegal activities and was not surprised when informed of the diversion of funds, U.S. sources said. It continued doing business with him "because he solved problems, including problems he created himself," one U.S. source told ICIJ. The U.S. Embassy has provided Peru's anti-corruption prosecutor with detailed information about the CIA's payments to Montesinos in response to the Peruvian government's wide-ranging investigations into Montesinos' malfeasance. The prosecutor, Ana Cecilia Magallanes, has told U.S. officials that she has documents showing the diversion of SIN money, including the CIA payments, toward illegal activities. Peruvian prosecutors also allege that Montesinos collaborated with drug traffickers, who paid him and his associates protection money. After 10 years as the power behind Fujimori, Montesinos had at least $264 million deposited in foreign bank accounts in Switzerland, the United States, the Cayman Islands and other nations, Peru's equivalent of attorney general, Nelly Calderon Navarro, announced in June. Three Peruvian military intelligence sources told ICIJ that surveillance equipment provided by the CIA for the drug war was used by the SIN to intercept the conversations of opposition political figures, journalists, businessmen and military officers suspected of disloyalty to the Fujimori regime. "Intelligence services" were sold to wealthy individuals, corporations or influential officers. A buyer could pay $1,000 to $2,500 per week to receive intercepts from the tapping of a single phone. Fujimori, who was re-elected president in June 2000 and amended the Peruvian constitution in order to retain the office for nearly three presidential terms, fled to Japan, where he resigned from office on Nov. 20, 2000. The CIA began supporting Montesinos in the mid-1970s when he, as a Peruvian military officer, came to Washington on an unauthorized visit and handed over documents concerning Soviet arms deals with Peru. - --- MAP posted-by: Beth