Pubdate: Mon, 30 Apr 2001 Source: Newsweek (US) Copyright: 2001 Newsweek, Inc. Contact: http://www.msnbc.com/news/NW-front_Front.asp Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/309 DRUGS - NOW WHAT? Will The Tragic Downing Of A Missionary Plane Over Peru Cause The Bush Administration To Rethink Its Anti-Drug Strategy In The Region? Probably not, says Ethan A. Nadelmann, executive director of the Lindesmith Center-Drug Policy Foundation. Nadelmann, whose group has long fought for reform of the nation's drug policies, believes Washington's policy of military interdiction in countries like Peru and Colombia is doing more harm than good. He spoke with NEWSWEEK'S Arlene Getz about the possible fallout from the April 20 killing of Roni Bowers and her 7-month-old daughter Charity by Peruvian soldiers who thought they were drug traffickers. Excerpts: NEWSWEEK: What did you think when you heard about the shooting down of the missionary plane? Ethan Nadelmann: This is something that was inevitable. Already thousands of innocent people have been killed one way or another in this war on drugs-in the United States, Latin America and elsewhere. What distinguishes this case is that American citizens were involved, but I'd be surprised if these were the first United States citizens who died. It seems to me that all of those people have died in vain, that the efforts have done absolutely nothing to address the real problem of drug abuse in the United States. It's a tragedy that innocent people are killed in a war on drugs. The fundamental difference between a criminal-justice policy and a war is that in the former it's not acceptable to have collateral casualties. The thing that we saw in Peru-and what we'll probably be seeing in Colombia and elsewhere-is evidence that this really is a war, even though it's really a war without any sensible strategy or reasonable objectives or prospects for success. President Bush has suspended American flights in support of Peru's drug interdiction efforts while the investigation continues. Is this incident likely to make the administration reconsider current U.S. strategy? Not by itself. A case like this shocks people. It may sensitize people in the religious community, but there will need to be other incidents that will lead to people coming together to challenge the current policy. Doesn't the public care? Most Americans don't pay that much attention to it, and I don't think they care that much. They know they don't want innocent civilians getting killed, but they've become numbed-detached when they hear of innocent people being killed in the war on drugs. There's no sense of outrage to this. How effective is the policy of trying to stop the drugs at their source? What makes the death of the missionary and her daughter so tragic is that the policy of interdiction itself, of source control, is a proven failure. This is not just something we started doing a few years ago. We've been engaged in source control efforts, supply reduction efforts, for something like 50 years. What's new is the magnitude of the effort. What's also not new is the failure of the policy. We live in a global society, we're interdependent. If you look at the tens of millions of people coming into the country this year, if you look at the hundreds of billions of tons of goods coming into the country each year [then] trying to find those drugs makes looking for a needle in a haystack seem like child's play in comparison. Ultimately it's not about the drugs, it's about drug abuse. There are synthetic opiates that are now being used by drug addicts. In parts of the world where people are too poor to buy a marijuana joint, they sniff gasoline, or glue. Even if these two particular chemicals [heroin and cocaine] were to suddenly disappear, drug abuse would not disappear. So are you suggesting that nothing should be done because it's impossible to stop the drug trade. I have a much more developed strategy than that. I'm not here advocating the legalization of heroin and cocaine. A few weeks ago Vicente Fox, the president of Mexico, was asked what he thought of drug legalization. He said "Well yes, it makes the most sense for Mexico, and it would be the best solution, but-and then said the politically correct thing-which is we can't do it, it would have to be done multilaterally, etc., etc." A few months before that the president of Uruguay, [Jorge Batlle Ibanez] said the same thing and he didn't even retract it. Based upon my conversations with other top-level Latin American people, when you sit down quietly and speak off the record, many many more say the same thing. They think the war on drugs is crazy, but that politically they have no choice but to go along with [it] because the alternative would be horrible political sanctions by our government and others. That debate needs to be out there, but politically it's impossible to go there. Supporters of the interdiction flights argue that when Peru first started shooting down planes suspected of drug trafficking in 1995, they succeeded in that the demand for coca leaf plummeted and the price dropped by more than 60 percent. But less than three years later, Peru coca prices started rising again. Your interpretation? It's the push-down pop-up effect. The production of coca in Colombia more than compensated for the production in Peru and Bolivia. But for the availability of Colombia as an alternative source it would have been a lot more difficult and probably impossible to suppress that production in Bolivia and Peru. There are people who want to pretend that trying to deal with drugs is trying to deal with smallpox, that drugs are like a disease and we should aim to eradicate them from the face of the earth. But there's one fundamental difference between smallpox and cocaine, which is that there's no demand for smallpox, but there's a global demand for cocaine. What does that mean for Plan Colombia, where the U.S. in involved in a $1.3 billion, two-year military effort to eradicate cocaine production? Plan Colombia may have the effect of reducing the opium and coca production in Colombia. The almost-certain consequence of that will be to have increased opium and coca production in other places. These are global commodities, there's a persistent demand for these things. President Bush's choice for his new drug czar is reported to be John P. Walters, known as a conservative who advocates a tough approach to the war on drugs. What policy changes do you expect from the new administration? President Bush, shortly before he entered office, gave an interview with Larry King where he said some surprisingly moderate things. [Bush] talked about addressing the issue of mandatory sentencing minimums [for drug offenders], the difference in the sentencing of crack cocaine and powder cocaine violators and he talked about addiction as a disease. That was quite promising. On the other hand, the appointment first of John Ashcroft [as Attorney General] and now of John Walters is a disaster. These are ideological drug warriors, they stand for the position that drug policy should not be based upon common sense or science, that what it's really about is punishing people. They don't even like looking at drug addicts or drug users as victims of the drug war. I think that's the dominant strain of what we're going to see coming from the Bush administration. The one silver lining is that I think there's some chance that President Bush may make good on his suggestion to address the issue of mandatory minimums. I think if he does so it will be because a growing number of Republican governors are telling him this needs to be done-especially if the Republican party wants to attract African-Americans into the party Can the drug war ever be won? Not under the current strategy. Rather than aspiring to be a drug-free society, we should accept that drugs are here to stay. Our only choice is to learn to live with them so that they cause the least possible harm to individuals and to society at large. - --- MAP posted-by: Keith Brilhart