Pubdate: Wed, 09 May 2001 Source: Columbia Daily Tribune (MO) Copyright: 2001 Columbia Daily Tribune Contact: http://www.showmenews.com/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/91 Author: William Raspberry DRUG LAW DISPARITIES MUST BE ADDRESSED In the late 1980s - around the time Congress was enacting harsher sentences for "crack" than for powder cocaine offenses - the state of Illinois was passing legislation automatically transferring certain juvenile drug offenders to adult court. The chief result of the congressional action is well known. The nationís prisons are bursting with black inmates. Crack, the form of cocaine preferred by black abusers, carries a penalty 100 times harsher than for the powder preferred by whites. Hardly anyone believes the law to be fair. Here, from a report done for a consortium called Building Blocks for Youth, is the result of the Illinois law: Ninety-nine percent of the automatic transfers to adult court in Cook County during 1999 and 2000 were either black or Hispanic. Of 393 juveniles automatically excluded from juvenile court, just three were white. And here's the kicker. The lawmakers, far from intending this racially outrageous result, were most likely acting to make black communities safer from the scourge of drugs. The crack/powder legislation was enacted at a time when black activists were worried about an epidemic of cheap, powerfully addictive and very dangerous crack cocaine destroying black neighborhoods. Nobody objected - at the time - to the disparate penalties because we all believed that crack was a special scourge whose dangers included everything from deadly gang warfare to crack-addicted newborns. The Illinois law, proceeding no doubt from a similar rationale, mandates transfer to adult court for 15- and 16-year-olds charged with drug offenses within 1,000 feet of a school or public housing project. See? A racist law would have upped the ante for drug crimes committed in white or affluent neighborhoods. This one targeted drug crimes in the most vulnerable, largely black neighborhoods. A dozen years later, we understand how incredibly unfair the legislation is in its implementation. It isn't merely that white drug merchants are less likely than their black counterparts to operate near schools or public housing. There might also be some disparity in enforcement as well. Jason Ziedenberg, a senior policy analyst with the Justice Policy Institute and principal author of the Building Blocks report, notes some odd and unexplained facts. For instance, in 1985, before the automatic-transfer legislation took effect, 88 white youths - and 31 blacks - were arrested for the manufacture and delivery of controlled substances in Illinois. By 1999, he says, the number of white youths arrested had dropped to 64, while the number of black youths arrested shot up to 469. "Did the white kids suddenly get good?" he wonders. "Did black kids suddenly get a lot worse?" Ziedenberg then points to a 1999 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse that shows white youths aged 12-17 at least a third more likely than their African American counterparts to have sold drugs. A 1998-99 survey of high school seniors for the National Institute of Drug Abuse shows white students using cocaine at seven to eight times the rate for blacks, and heroin at a seven times higher rate. It doesn't sound as though white kids suddenly got good. But blacks, who make up just over 15 percent of Illinois' juvenile population, account for 59 percent of the youths arrested for drug crimes, 85.5 percent of those automatically transferred to adult court, 88 percent of the ones imprisoned for drug crimes statewide, and 91 percent of the juveniles tried as adults who are admitted to state prison from Cook County. The report is the latest in a series published by Building Blocks for Youth, a Washington-based coalition of groups doing work on disparities in the juvenile justice system. Ziedenberg, whose Justice Policy Institute is a member of the coalition, says the new report is neither prescriptive nor accusatory but intends merely to describe what is going on. In fact, it is very hard to know what combination of factors - closer police attention, greater concentrations of young people, more out-of-doors drug trafficking, racial profiling, differential use of police discretion - accounts for higher arrest rates among black youths cited by the report. But we know exactly what accounts for the overwhelming disparity in automatic transfers to adult court. It is the law that specifically targets schools and housing projects. However innocent - even constructive - the original intent of that law, Illinois legislators now know its hugely unfair consequences. They must know, too, how such manifest unfairness erodes and undermines respect for the law in general. It's time for Illinois to revisit automatic transfers. - --- MAP posted-by: Andrew