Pubdate: Mon, 14 May 2001
Source: Washington Times (DC)
Copyright: 2001 News World Communications, Inc.
Contact:  http://www.washtimes.com/
Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/492
Author: Robert Charles
Note: Robert Charles was chief counsel to the U.S. House National Security 
Subcommittee (1995-1999), chief staffer to Speaker Hastert's Task Force on 
a Drug Free America (1997-1999), teaches at Harvard University and is 
president of Direct Impact, L.L.C.

NEW DRUG CZAR'S MISSION

President Bush nominated John P. Walters last week to be America's drug 
czar. That job has never been harder. But Mr. Walter's opportunity to shine 
as a consensus-builder and font of ideas has never been greater. Key to the 
new drug czar's success will be presidential support, handling seven 
pressures deftly, and embracing 10 promising ideas.

First, the drug war is entirely winnable, if we mean reducing dramatically 
the number of teens using drugs and markedly reducing drug imports from 
abroad. In nominating Mr. Walters last Thursday, the president delivered a 
passionate argument for prevention, treatment and law enforcement that was 
at once deep and unexpectedly encouraging. That said, there are seven 
specific pressures that loom large for the new drug czar, and did not a 
decade ago.

The well-funded drug legalization movement is one. Today, millions of 
dollars are spent trying to deceive voters about the impact of pouring 
drugs into society through medicalization, decriminalization and so-called 
harm reduction all code words for legalization. False representations about 
the alleged harmlessness of illegal drugs hope to seduce teens into use and 
lull overworked parents into indifference. This clever marketing campaign 
aims to induce hopelessness, follow it up sharply with referenda around the 
nation legalizing drugs, and hope for policy paralysis. Mr. Walters must 
call a spade a spade; legalization by any name means increased 
availability. As President Bush and Mr. Walters acknowledged last week, 
more drugs means more use. More use means more overdoses, accidents, brain 
damage, addiction, and suffering across families, society and for 
unexpectedly addicted teens. Case closed.

Pressure two is Congress. The 1998 Drug Czar Reauthorization Act is 
unforgiving. It quietly revolutionized the Drug Czar office, imposing 
weighty obligations upon the holder of the post. Like the tide rolling in 
under an unsuspecting dory, the drug czar suddenly got major new authority 
to coordinate federal anti-drug programs. But in exchange for these new 
powers, he was left unprotected from the stormy scrutiny of Congress. 
President Bush prudently maintained Cabinet status for the drug czar, but 
he must continue to demonstrate the kind of vocal support he did last week, 
or the post will fast become irrelevant, except as a habitual object of 
congressional scorn.

Third, interagency pressure will be enormous. Mr. Walters has arrived in 
the middle of the budget cycle, just in time to collect arrows fired from 
every agency and direction. Only as an exceptional listener, 
master-synthesizer of common concerns, educator and balanced advocate of 
demand, supply and out-of-the-box ideas can he succeed in building an 
interagency consensus.

Fourth, fifth and sixth, the drug czar must tackle an unprecedented lack of 
information among teens and parents; unparalleled purity levels and new 
drug types; and trafficking cartels more ruthless and closer to dominating 
hometown U.S.A. than ever.

Seventh, Mr. Walters must confront boldly the false impression that a drug 
war has been waged and failed. The officeholder must say clearly that 
coordinated, fully-funded, nonpartisan drug policy works. History tells us 
this in flashing neon.

Effective and properly funded efforts triumphed between 1979 and 1991. Only 
since then have we experienced slippage. From 1986 to 1991, America 
witnessed a 72 percent drop in cocaine use and a two-thirds decline in 
marijuana use. So, be clear it can be done.

We must learn from those days, but not expect old solutions to work in a 
more endangered culture. To win now, we need new ideas. Here are 10. Be 
honest about so-called "drug budget scoring." We claim far too much of the 
federal budget as "anti-drug money," including programs like Americorps and 
others that should rightly to be called what they are, not dubbed 
"anti-drug" to avoid an appropriator's knife.

Second, use the Internet proactively in schools to create interactive 
educational media that grabs kids. Take a page from increasingly successful 
efforts by pioneers as The Partnership for a Drug Free America, 
StepOnLine.com, and WILL Interactive, people reaching out to teens and 
parents in a whole new way.

Third, rediscover successful drug treatment. John Walters has demonstrated 
support for nonviolent offender drug treatment paired with accountable drug 
testing, so-called "drug courts." They work, and so does accountable, 
faith-based treatment.

Fourth, shout loudly a core fact prevention works. Properly funded 
prevention, such as that offered by the Partnership's head-turning ads or 
D.A.R.E America's new curriculum under tutelage of the Robert Woods Johnson 
Foundation, leaves a lasting impression; when deepened by successive 
contacts, prevention is a slam dunk. We don't stop teaching first grade 
once five classes are through, so don't sunset effective prevention 
efforts. Kids who know the facts about drugs don't use them.

Fifth, stop methamphetamines by treating California as a virtual source 
country. California's "super-labs" create 300 times the amount of meth per 
lab as those found anywhere else in America and account for 80 percent of 
the meth consumed in the U.S. We need to dedicate sufficient federal 
resources to stop this bilge.

Sixth, think "out of the box" by spurring community and state anti-drug 
coordination. A model that works well is the National Alliance for Model 
State Drug Laws, a nonprofit funded by Congress and the Office of National 
Drug Control Policy that seeds literally hundreds of community efforts 
through statewide conferences in dozens of states. The equally dynamic 
Community Anti-Drug Coalitions of America is a reinforcing incubator for 
effective drug prevention. Communities and parents are the ultimate 
solution, because they are where the heart is. Empower them.

Seventh, more law enforcement information sharing among State and local law 
enforcement will reap huge returns. That is why the Regional Information 
Sharing System, for example, is expanding faster than traffickers. It is a 
federally sponsored intelligence backbone to beat mobile criminals. As the 
traffickers go high-tech, the federal government must help state and local 
law enforcement to do so also. Other valid ideas include a national 
training center for law enforcers who operate in High Intensity Drug 
Trafficking Areas (HIDTAs), to give greater continuity to HIDTA training 
nationwide.

Eighth, ninth and 10th, use several key performance measures in every 
aspect of the drug war; create bonds where none existed before, such as 
between treatment providers and prosecutors; and work ceaselessly to foster 
international cooperation, more carrot and less stick, to replicate in 
Colombia and in Mexico the drug-eradication successes of Bolivia and Peru.

Last Thursday, we learned of the president's heartening commitment to the 
drug war. What he should now keep in mind is that most parents and teens 
consider the drug issue the most difficult they face. He should also know 
that if Mr. Walters is empowered to win he can.

Robert Charles was chief counsel to the U.S. House National Security 
Subcommittee (1995-1999), chief staffer to Speaker Hastert's Task Force on 
a Drug Free America (1997-1999), teaches at Harvard University and is 
president of Direct Impact, L.L.C.
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