Pubdate: Sun, 24 Mar 2002 Source: Houston Chronicle (TX) Webpage: www.chron.com/cs/CDA/story.hts/world/1305287 Copyright: 2002 Houston Chronicle Publishing Company Division, Hearst Newspaper Contact: http://www.chron.com/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/198 Author: John Otis Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/colombia.htm (Colombia) U.S. INVASION OF COLOMBIA URGED But Observers Say Nation Ought To Focus On Its Own War Effort BOGOTA, Colombia -- Although the Bush administration insists that it will not send U.S. combat troops to this war-ravaged land, many Colombians seem gung-ho about the idea. Fed up with their own army's failure to crush a 38-year Marxist insurgency while watching U.S. troops deploy to Afghanistan, the Philippines and elsewhere following the Sept. 11 attacks, a growing number hope their country will be next on the list, with Marines landing on their beaches and U.S. war jets pounding rebel positions. "I would love it if the Americans would wipe out the scoundrels," said Luz Marina Velez, who runs a dry goods store in Bogota. In a poll released last week by RCN television of Bogota, 76 percent said they would support a U.S. invasion, while 83 percent favored the deployment of American antiterrorist forces to South America. Not everyone would put out the welcome mat. Colombian presidential candidate Horacio Serpa points out that in a nation with two guerrilla groups, right-wing paramilitary groups and a national army, adding foreign troops would be like "sending firewood to the forest." But to a considerable degree, the "Yankees" are already here. To prop up the government and help fight drug trafficking, Washington has sent $1.7 billion in aid to Colombia in the past two years. What's more, 400 U.S. military advisers and civilian contractors have been dispatched to Colombia, though they are not allowed to take part in military operations. Hardly a week goes by without U.S. legislators, State Department officials or Army generals slogging into the jungle to inspect Colombian military outposts. After the collapse of peace talks last month between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, the nation's largest rebel group known as FARC, the Bush administration decided to up the ante. On Thursday, the White House formally asked Congress to lift long-standing restrictions that prevented U.S. counter-narcotics assistance from being used in counterinsurgency missions. It also requested an additional $35 million to help Colombia combat guerrilla kidnappings, protect an oil pipeline and to help the police take control of rebel-held areas. The move sparked cries of "mission creep" from congressional opponents who fear that the United States will be sucked into a Colombian quagmire. Still, the Bush administration draws the line at sending combat troops. The Bogota government "is not asking for U.S. troops nor do I see U.S. troops going to Colombia," Secretary of State Colin Powell said at a congressional hearing. With three Andean mountain ranges, dense Amazon jungle and two large guerrilla armies that have been fighting since the 1960s, Colombia is widely viewed as an extremely risky hot spot for U.S. troops, even though the rebels and the paramilitaries are considered by the State Department to be terrorist groups and fair game. Russell Crandall, who has written a book on U.S.-Colombian relations, claims that sending in U.S. troops would be a last resort if, for example, the FARC appeared on the verge of overthrowing the government. Colombian President Andres Pastrana has frequently said he would not accept U.S. combat troops. Others point out GIs could play into the guerrillas' hands by sparking a nationalist uprising against the government. But legions of Colombians contend that U.S. support for the military, which includes dozens of high-tech helicopters and military trainers, will never be enough. Despite recent improvements, the Colombian army lacks the manpower, aircraft and equipment to roll back rebel gains or to defeat the guerrillas, analysts say. "Look at how long we have been at the war," said construction worker Luis Jaramillo. "If our military was any good, they would have finished the job by now." The Colombians' willingness to call for U.S. intervention is partly because of long-standing ties between the two nations, said Crandall, who teaches political science at Davidson College in North Carolina. In 1903, Washington helped engineer a revolution that allowed Panama to gain independence from Colombia, a move that paved the way for the building of the Panama Canal. But otherwise, Colombia has not suffered the bitter legacy of U.S. military intervention in the last century that generated anti-American sentiments in Mexico, Central America and parts of the Caribbean. During the Cold War, the Colombian government proved its solidarity by sending troops to fight in the Korean conflict and by distancing itself from Cuba leader Fidel Castro's regime. Although U.S.-Colombian ties were strained during the administration of President Ernesto Samper, who was accused of having links to drug traffickers, they improved under Pastrana, and the nation is the third-leading recipient of U.S. foreign aid. While none of Colombia's candidates for the May 26 presidential election is calling for U.S. combat troops, front-runner Alvaro Uribe has suggested that United Nations peacekeepers could be involved through joint operations with the Colombian military. In a televised debate last week, rival candidates said Uribe's proposal would offend the Colombian army and violate the nation's sovereignty. But Uribe pointed out that the guerrillas and paramilitaries already lord over vast expanses of Colombian territory. "We have already lost our sovereignty to the bandits," Uribe said. "If international cooperation can help us to recover it, that would be magnificent." Still, many observers say that Colombians ought to focus on the national war effort rather than looking for saviors from the outside. "If someone else comes in and solves your problems, it means you won't have to invest as much in the war," said Carlos Eduardo Jaramillo, a former Colombian official involved in an earlier round of peace talks with the FARC. "It's an economic solution." Aside from securing billions in U.S. aid, Pastrana, who leaves office on Aug. 7, has made other moves to shore up the military. Last week, he announced a $110 million increase in the defense budget and extended mandatory military service from 18 to 22 months. But Pastrana rejected a proposal by his treasury minister that workers and companies contribute "war taxes" to a special defense fund. Another problem with relying on international cooperation is that it does not guarantee success -- even when it comes to peace talks. During Colombia's three-year peace process with the FARC,everyone from U.N. delegates to the head of the New York Stock Exchange traveled to the rebel-held sanctuary and met with government and guerrilla negotiators. But the talks broke down regardless. - --- MAP posted-by: Josh