Pubdate: Mon, 20 Oct 2003 Source: Cavalier Daily (VA Edu) Copyright: 2003 The Cavalier Daily, Inc. Contact: http://www.cavalierdaily.com/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/550 Author: Anthony Dick THE NEW PROHIBITION Anthony Dick Cavalier Daily Columnist ONE MORNING during Prohibition in the 1920s, someone snapped a photo of H.L. Mencken sitting down at a table with a newspaper and an illegal pint of beer. Never bashful, Mencken signed the photograph, "breakfast in a free state!" and went on drinking his liquid cheer right up through the repeal of the short-lived ban on booze. He understood a not-so-subtle truth that the anti-alcohol prohibitionists didn't and that many modern-day moralists still fail to grasp. Despite all the social problems, side effects and surly saloons that follow from alcohol consumption, one thing is clear: No government has the right to tell a man he can't have a beer with his breakfast. Although Prohibition is now long dead, the crusading spirit that moved it remains very much alive in our society. As made apparent by the recent activities of the Jefferson Area Drug Enforcement Task Force, federal and state governments continue to interfere with the private lives of their citizens by pursuing and prosecuting thousands upon thousands of individuals who choose to buy, sell and use certain prohibited intoxicants. Our prisons are crowded with droves of non-violent "drug offenders," whose offense consists of nothing other than pursuing a particular brand of happiness that legislators officially disfavor. As of 2001, 246,100 people were in state prisons and 52,782 in federal prisons for drug offenses. These prisoners endure horrible conditions in jail cells around the country, serving sentences that span decades. As they are abused by fellow inmates and abased by sadistic prison guards, their undeserved misery forms a stain upon the character of our country. Until we release these people from our prisons and end the government's scandalous war on drugs, none of us will have the right to boast of the elusive "free state" that Mencken toasted eighty years ago. Modern-day prohibitionists argue for drug laws on the dual grounds that drug users harm both themselves and other members of society. Under close scrutiny, however, neither of these justifications holds water. Of course, it is undeniable that drug use, like alcohol consumption, increases a person's likelihood of harming his fellow citizens. Statistically speaking, drug users disproportionately neglect their children, commit violent crimes and display a lack of both personal responsibility and basic productivity. But if these sorts of side effects are the truly harmful results of drug use, then these are the things that should be made illegal, independently of their connection to drugs. All sorts of activities make a person more likely to harm others -- from drinking alcohol, to watching violent movies, to driving an SUV -- but to ban these things outright would utterly destroy all semblances of individual freedom. If being an irresponsible or unproductive member of society is really so awful, it should be punished regardless of whether it is caused by drug use. Similarly, violent crimes and child neglect should be prosecuted irrespective of how or why they are committed. But if a person uses drugs without impinging on anyone else's life, there's absolutely no reason to break down his door and drag him to prison. As a pathetic last-ditch effort, though, many people maintain the hackneyed argument that drug prohibition is necessary for the good of drug users themselves. By accepting this rationale and advocating the punishment of an adult "for his own good," they assert that legislators can know people's interests better than people themselves do. This is the basest form of paternalism. It reduces free human beings to the status of naughty children who cannot be trusted to manage their own lives. It takes one person's rigid conception of the good life and imposes it upon the whole of society, destroying the personal prerogative to self-determination. Among truly diverse populations, subjective preferences vary so widely that no crude formula for universal happiness can possibly be derived. Individuals are best suited to pursue happiness on their own individual terms, with their own free choice as a guide. As long as they do not interfere with the life or liberty of anyone else, they should be left alone. This ensures both a flexible maximization of happiness and a respect for the dignity and autonomy of every person. Grinning politicians routinely admit to having used drugs in the past, and people often joke about all the "youthful indiscretions" on the consciences of congressmen. Clinton's policy of non-inhalation became a running gag in political discourse for a few-year-long stretch. This humor should be sobered with the realization that thousands of young drug users are wasting their lives away in cold, gray jail cells right now. These people are no more criminal than many congressmen -- and probably a good deal less. - --- MAP posted-by: Perry Stripling