Pubdate: Sat, 22 Feb 2003 Source: Independent (UK) Copyright: 2003 Independent Newspapers (UK) Ltd. Contact: http://www.independent.co.uk/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/209 Author: Paul Waugh FRIEDMAN'S BIG IDEAS BACK IN VOGUE WITH RIGHT-THINKING BLAIR It's enough to make Harold Wilson spin in his grave. Nearly a quarter of a century after the previous Labour government was replaced, the ideas that drove the Thatcher revolution are back in vogue with New Labour. That's the claim made by some critics this week as the ideas of Professor Milton Friedman, the great American monetarist, appeared to crop up in several key government policies. The Nobel prize-winning economist, who reaches the grand old age of 91 this July, has been credited as the inspiration for the congestion charge introduced in London last week. But his influence, although well known for its impact on Conservative thinking from the Seventies to the present day, is also claimed in everything from an independent Bank of England to a soft approach to drug policy. Mr Friedman, with his own inspiration Friedrich Hayek, is the man who has made it his life's mission to promote the supremacy of the individual and free markets in public policy. A staunch anti-Keynesian, Mr Friedman's ideas reinvigorated the right on both sides of the Atlantic, a power reaching its peak under the Thatcher and Reagan governments. As much as old Labour MPs may dislike it, some of those ideas, from demanding responsibilities as well as rights from welfare claimants, letting the private sector build schools and hospitals and promoting global free trade, are alive and kicking in Downing Street. Congestion charging has clear Friedman roots. In his 1951 essay How to Plan and Pay for the Safe and Adequate Highways We Need, he stated that "on a crowded road ... it would be desirable to discourage traffic ... The people who drive on a road should be charged ... in proportion to their use of the service". Forget Red Ken, this is true blue Milt talking. And of course, it was a Labour government that legislated to allow the London experiment. Similarly, Tony Blair hinted recently that he backed the use of wider road tolls in Britain. In a recent article, the Prime Minister wrote: "We must ... set the parameters for the future partnerships we will need between tax-funding and personal contributions, for example through user charges for road use or university courses." Just as Mr Friedman's central thesis advocates that the state should act as "referee not provider", Mr Blair was similarly robust. "We should be far more radical about the role of the state as regulator rather than provider, opening up health care, for example ... and be willing to experiment with new forms of co-payment in the public sector," he wrote. Take drug policy, for example. David Blunkett, the Home Secretary, has now decriminalised cannabis, freeing police to tackle serious crime. In a 1972 article, Mr Friedman stated: "In drugs, as in other areas, persuasion and example are likely to be far more effective than the use of force to shape others in our image." Or take health care. Although Alan Milburn, the Health Secretary, would deny it, his critics claim that his announcement that from December 2005 patients will have a choice of four or five different hospitals, including private-sector ones, is nothing more than a voucher system. And vouchers were a central tenet of Friedman's ideas. Professor Andrew Oswald, an economist at Warwick University and a leading proponent of top-up fees, says that there is a good case to be made that Milton Friedman's influence extends over large areas of current government policy. "Charging for higher education, indeed all education, is a key idea he advocates. Generally speaking his was the 'crowding out' argument. That governments' good intentions crowd out what would happen anyway if individuals were left to get on with things," he said. "He believed strongly that central banks should not interfere with the smooth running of the economy, for example. The Bank of England certainly no longer tries to do this." There's no doubt that the current Tory party is drawing many of its policies from the American professor. Its proposals to give parents vouchers to spend on public or independent schools, as well as its advocacy of small government, is classic Friedman thinking. Of course, there are ideas that even this Government would shy away from. Mr Friedman is fiercely opposed to increases in public spending, wants voucher systems for all schools and calls for the abolition of the International Monetary Fund, all of which are anathema even to Mr Blair. And drugs are still illegal if decriminalised. But in another quarter of a century, who knows what may happen? Gordon Brown would vehemently deny he has any strong link to Mr Friedman, particularly given the Chancellor's belief that it is possible to have low unemployment and low inflation at the same time. The American economist believed that to keep joblessness low would require a permanently accelerating rate of inflation. But Mr Brown's firm belief that the public sector is incapable of keeping costs down and delivering infrastructure projects on time and to budget, the main rationale for PFI and PPP schemes, would have delighted Mr Friedman. The Monetarist Godfather Born in New York in 1912. After working at Columbia University, he became Professor of Economics at Chicago University. The "Chicago School" of Monetarist economists went from strength to strength, and in 1976 he was awarded the the Nobel economics prize. Major published works, most of which rebut Keynesian theory, include Essays in Positive Economics (1953); A Theory of the Consumption Function (1957); Capitalism and Freedom (1962); A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960 (1963) - his most important single work in economics; Free to Choose: A Personal Statement (1980), his most popular book. He popularised his views through a regular Newsweek column and a series of television programmes in the early 1980s entitled Free to Choose. Friedman worked for Nixon and Reagan and was a key influence on Margaret Thatcher from 1979. He is currently senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution. - --- MAP posted-by: Larry Stevens