Pubdate: Sun, 11 Jan 2004 Source: Greenwood Commonwealth (MS) Copyright: 2004 Greenwood Commonwealth Contact: http://www.gwcommonwealth.com/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/1541 Author: Tim Kalich, Editor Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/topics/Corrections+Corporation Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/prison.htm (Incarceration) WHO PROFITS FROM IMPRISONMENT? Not Taxpayers and Not Poor Neighborhoods. When Corrections Corporation of America built its 1,100-bed private prison in Tutwiler in the late 1990s, the message from the Legislature and the state Department of Corrections was: Go to it, but don't expect Mississippi to help keep it filled with inmates. Mississippi already had more prison cells online or in the process of being built than it could justify. CCA's business model was supposed to be different, anyway. It was going to house federal or out-of-state inmates - and it already had its first customer, Wisconsin, lined up. The business model, though, has proven to be a flop - one of a series of bad business decisions that CCA made during a frenzy of expansion that pushed it to the brink of bankruptcy. Wisconsin pulled its inmates out a year after the prison's opening because of the hardship the distance put on the families of those who were incarcerated. Alabama temporarily gave the Tallahatchie County facility new life last summer, when it sent 1,400 inmates its way to get out from under the pressure of a federal court order. Last week, though, Alabama signaled that it would be bringing its prisoners back home because it can't afford to pay anyone else to house them. Now there's pressure for Mississippi to prop up the Tutwiler prison and save its 250 jobs - even though incoming Gov. Haley Barbour has made a prior commitment to reopen the Delta Correctional Facility in Greenwood, another private prison which CCA managed but did not own. Corrections Commissioner Chris Epps has said last week that, if the state ends up moving inmates to either of these private prisons, the first to get them would be Greenwood. That news is generally greeted with smiles in a community that saw more than 200 jobs depart when the prison was shuttered. Epps said he is sensitive to the job loss but won't let it be an overriding concern. He pledges that he won't strike any deal with the two private prisons that doesn't save his agency money. He is struggling with a $67 million funding shortfall this year, and looking at a deficit of similar proportions in the fiscal year that begins July 1. The decision, though, might not be totally in Epps' hands. A holdover from the Musgrove administration, Epps has a new boss, and that boss is on record with a campaign promise to take the Greenwood prison out of mothballs. There also are bound to be lawmakers - not to mention the lobbyists for CCA - jockeying to save the jobs in impoverished Tallahatchie County, where unemployment rates are chronically in the double digits. Lawmakers aren't always concerned with what's financially prudent in making corrections policy. Just a few years ago, it built an 11th regional jail, promising to put at least 200 state inmates there, even as the Greenwood prison was running short of capacity. When communities and states start looking at warehousing people as a growth industry, it's asking for problems. It creates the momentum for making bad public policy. CCA, which marked its 20th anniversary last year, expanded wildly in the last decade and took on massive debt on the assumption that the incarceration rates would continue to trend upward. The federal government and the states in the mid-1990s had embraced tougher sentencing guidelines, sending more offenders behind bars and keeping them there for longer stretches of time. In Mississippi, corrections became the fastest growing item in the state budget. When the national recession hit, however, the states started to realize they couldn't afford this "lock 'em up and throw away the key" mentality. They also have rediscovered that most prisons are not much better than criminal-training centers. Send a first-time, non-violent offender to prison, and chances are greater that he will come out a hardened criminal than a changed man. The states - forced by their budget constraints more than any humanitarian impulses - have relaxed some of their harsher sentencing guidelines and embraced cheaper alternatives, such as house arrest. Mississippi, with the second highest rate of incarceration in the country, is slowly starting to follow the trend. That's bad news for the private prison industry, which has a profit motive in convincing lawmakers and other public policymakers to keep a steady flow of inmates coming. Epps maintains that while he doesn't have to have the extra 1,800 or so prison beds that Greenwood and Tutwiler can offer, he could utilize the space to shut down some older camps at the sprawling state Penitentiary at Parchman. Downsizing Parchman, though, would also supposedly involve a layoff of prison workers there, offsetting whatever jobs the private prisons would create. The only way to grow jobs in the prison business is to cultivate more inmates. Not only is such a strategy expensive to taxpayers, but it has a devastating ripple effect on those neighborhoods - usually poor and minority -where an increasing percentage of their adult male population is spending time behind bars. - --- MAP posted-by: Richard Lake