Pubdate: Thu, 24 Aug 2006 Source: San Francisco Chronicle (CA) Page: A - 29 Copyright: 2006 Hearst Communications Inc. Contact: http://www.sfgate.com/chronicle/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/388 Author: John Otis, Houston Chronicle Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/topics/Latin+America Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/topics/Plan+Colombia Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/coke.htm (Cocaine) Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/heroin.htm (Heroin) DEMOCRATS SEEK CHANGE ON LATIN AMERICA COURSE Trade Agreements Likely to Undergo Significant Revisions Bogota, Colombia -- For the past six years, Democrats have accused President Bush and the Republican-controlled Congress of pursuing counterproductive policies in Latin America or of ignoring the region altogether. Now, following their victories in midterm elections giving them control of the House and Senate, many Democratic lawmakers are promising to seek subtle policy changes for the region on everything from immigration and trade to U.S. military aid. "We will be in a position to try to raise the profile of these issues," said Tim Rieser, an aide to Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., poised to take the chairmanship of the Appropriations Committee's foreign operations panel. "Congress doesn't drive the ship, but it has a big role in how far it goes and in which direction." The first sign of a changed U.S. relationship was expected this week when, after years of bare-knuckle negotiations, American and Colombian officials gather in Washington to sign a trade agreement. But congressional passage of the agreement, as well as a similar deal with Peru, now seems in doubt because Democrats are generally more skeptical of trade pacts than Republicans. The most recent trade deal approved by Congress, the Central American Free Trade Agreement, passed by just one vote last year in the Republican-controlled House. In the Nov. 7 election, 34 House and Senate seats switched hands from supporters of the current model of international trade deals to critics, according to a study by the Washington-based organization Global Trade Watch. Some Democrats want to rewrite both the Colombia and Peru agreements to include, among other things, more environmental regulations and stronger guarantees for union organizers. For now, it's unclear whether these issues can be resolved through side agreements or whether the trade deals will have to be renegotiated, which could take years. "This doesn't mean they're dead on arrival. But they certainly will be delayed," said Chris Sabatini, an official of the Council of the Americas, a New York-based business organization. As for Mexico, many Democrats reject the hard-line position of some Republicans on immigration -- including proposals to fence parts of the U.S.-Mexico border. "Building a wall is not the symbol that the U.S. should have in its relations with Mexico and there will certainly be a different tone with the Democrats," said John Walsh of the Washington Office on Latin America think tank. But John Bailey, a Mexico expert at Georgetown University, said the congressional power shift "will do little in the next biennium to rescue the U.S.-Mexico relationship from the inertia of the past five years." Bailey said the elections sent a mixed message on immigration, with voters ambivalent about proposals that would make legal immigration easier and with several conservative Democrats, who are immigration hard-liners, elected in key races. Farther south, Colombia stands as the largest recipient of U.S. aid outside of Israel and Egypt, but many Democrats are pushing for changes in how the money is spent. Under the administration's "Plan Colombia" policy, the United States since 2000 has spent nearly $5 billion in mostly military aid to fight the country's narcotics traffickers and Marxist guerrillas. Although security has improved in many areas of the country, the rebels remain a threat while tons of Colombian cocaine and heroin continue to reach the United States. "Six years and $4.7 billion later, the drug-control results are meager at best," Rep. Jan Schakowsky, D-Ill., a member of the House Democratic leadership in the outgoing Congress, told a congressional hearing last June. Many Democrats want to reduce military spending and use the money to boost programs to fight poverty, relocate people displaced by Colombia's 42-year civil war and encourage farmers of coca, the raw material for cocaine, to plant legal crops. "Democrats don't plan to walk away from Colombia. We just want to make sure that our investment is smart," Rep. James McGovern, D-Mass., a member of the powerful House Rules Committee, said. Elsewhere in the region, analysts say the Democrats will likely urge the Bush administration to foster cordial relations with leftist leaders who have recently been elected, including Evo Morales in Bolivia and Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua. The goal, they say, is to prevent these governments from getting too cozy with President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela, who is running for re-election on Dec. 3 and who stands as Washington's fiercest opponent in the region. Democrats have been almost as critical of the leftist Chavez -- who has called Bush "the devil" -- as the Republicans. "It's hard to believe that there will be much interest among Democrats in extending an olive branch to Chavez," said John Walsh of the Washington Office on Latin America. He noted that incoming House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-San Francisco, once called the Venezuelan leader a "thug." - --- MAP posted-by: Richard Lake