Pubdate: Sun, 16 Jul 2006 Source: New York Times (NY) Copyright: 2006 The New York Times Company Contact: http://www.nytimes.com/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/298 Author: Leslie Crocker Snyder Note: Leslie Crocker Snyder, a partner at a Manhattan law firm, is a former New York State Court of Claims judge. Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/find?140 (Rockefeller Drug Laws) SETTING KINGPINS FREE IN 2004, the New York State Legislature finally enacted changes to the draconian Rockefeller drug laws that imposed long mandatory sentences on major and minor drug dealers. The goal of these changes (later supplemented by further minor reform last year) was to prevent first-time nonviolent offenders -- especially low-level dealers and addicts selling to support their drug habits -- from serving unreasonably lengthy jail sentences. The new law, the Drug Law Reform Act, reduced penalties, eliminated life sentences and afforded more plea-bargaining options, among other things. While the changes themselves were less extensive than what many of us had hoped for, it was a good beginning, especially since it gave judges discretion to lower sentences that were unduly harsh for low-level, nonviolent offenders. No one envisioned that the sentences of drug kingpins would be reduced. Now the first report that details at least some of the cases resentenced under the new law must force us to re-examine these changes. Unfortunately, according to the comprehensive report by Bridget Brennan, New York City's special prosecutor for narcotics, of the 84 drug offenders who applied for resentencing under the new law, only one was a first-time, low-level, nonviolent offender. Instead, drug "kingpins," or major dealers and leaders of drug organizations, received some of the biggest sentence reductions, as did some defendants with felony records, drug suppliers and dealers with large amounts of narcotics and weapons. And, sadly, almost no women benefited from the new law. Why has this happened? Because the new legislation allowed all convicted high-level drug offenders to apply for resentencing. And the majority of those offenders were significant drug dealers or had violated the public trust. I presided as a judge in the New York State Supreme Court on a number of those cases. According to the law, all applicants for resentencing were to be returned to their sentencing judge, which makes sense since that judge would know the most about each case. But a number of judges, like me, retired, and the cases were sent to other judges. As a result, their resentencings were inconsistent and gave rise to some shocking results. The new statute itself creates a strong legislative preference, if not a presumption, in favor of resentencing, and this is a problem. Take Alejandro Lopez. Mr. Lopez was the leader of a large and violent crack cocaine organization that infested the Lower East Side of New York City for many years. He threatened the two lead detectives in his case and their families. Mr. Lopez fled to Puerto Rico but was ultimately returned to my court, where a jury convicted him of the highest-level felony for possession of drugs and conspiracy. I sentenced him to the maximum 33 1/3 years to life and a $3 million fine (none of it ever paid). At a resentencing hearing before another judge, Mr. Lopez was resentenced to only 17 years. Miguelina Gilbert, who had been selling cocaine for at least two years while on duty as a New York State parole officer, was convicted of the highest-level felony for selling drugs. I sentenced her to 15 years to life. Another judge resentenced her to eight years, and she was released from jail last year. A jury convicted Luis Torres, a leader of a large Lower East Side cocaine and heroin organization employing 30 "managers," of the highest-level felony for possession of drugs, his fifth felony conviction. I sentenced him to 50 years to life and a $1 million fine (which he has never paid). His sentence has just been cut in half. But the most disturbing news from the report is that fewer defendants are seeking drug treatment as a sentencing option because they now have less incentive to trade shorter prison sentences for long, rigorous treatment programs. If that result continues to prove accurate, one of the primary goals of the drug law reform will have failed. The report proposes what many of us have long advocated: a drug kingpin statute. We must separate those minor, nonviolent offenders who don't deserve unfair sentences from violent drug dealers who deserve every minute of the sentences they received. But we also need to establish a procedure that ensures some consistency and rationality in sentencing reform. And we need to provide the additional resources promised by the Legislature for treatment, education, job-training and re-entry programs for deserving offenders in and out of prison. Judicial discretion is critical but resentencing should be permitted only in cases that involve insignificant amounts of drugs, no violence, no drug organization, no weapons and no "employment" of children under 16. The important point is that drug law reform must continue, but in a rational and intelligent manner. It must promote fairness for those who deserve it, treat drug kingpins appropriately and encourage drug treatment. Sadly, the new law that I had so much hope in has succeeded in reducing sentences, but, it appears, primarily for those who should remain incarcerated. - --- MAP posted-by: Beth Wehrman