Pubdate: Sat, 15 Sep 2007 Source: Canberra Times (Australia) Copyright: 2007 Canberra Times Contact: http://www.canberratimes.com.au/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/71 PUNITIVE RESPONSE NO HELP ON DRUGS Liberal backbencher Bronwyn Bishop is well known for her conservative social views and the forthright manner in which she expresses them. In August 2005, she called for a ban on Muslim headscarves in public schools, and last year she told a federal Young Liberal convention that burning or violating the Australian flag should be made a federal offence. She is also well-known as a strident anti-drugs campaigner. Whether that background makes her ideally suited to chair a 10-member House of Representatives Committee looking at the impact of illicit drug-use on families is open to debate, but such is the uncompromising nature of the committee's report that it would be easy to conclude that Bishop dominated proceedings even though the three Labor MPs wrote a dissenting report. Among the most controversial of the recommendations is that the infant children of illicit drug-users be put up for adoption, that Centrelink direct drug-using parents to spend their welfare payments only on food and essentials, and that what are disparagingly called "drug industry elites" that is, treatment services, counsellors and research organisations should only receive taxpayer funding if they abandon the philosophy of harm minimisation in favour of zero tolerance. In short, the committee wants the focus of the National Drug Strategy shifted away from harm minimisation to harm prevention and given the specific aim of ensuring that illicit drug-users achieve permanent drug-free status. The best way to wean opioid users off drugs completely, it says, is to make abstinence-based treatments the norm, and it recommends this be given effect by adding Naltrexone (an opioid-antagonist medication) to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme. Notwithstanding the overtones of social engineering one of the recommendations is that contraception and family planning be integrated in the treatment of drug-using women of child-bearing age the approach of the committee shares many of the underpinnings of the other social policies implemented by the Coalition. Indeed its focus on protecting infants and children from the neglect of drug-addicted parents evokes the Government's recent decision to fight child sexual abuse in remote indigenous communities in the Northern Territory by intervening directly in the administration of those settlements. During its deliberations, the House of Representatives committee heard similarly harrowing stories of the accidental death and ill-treatment of children whose parents were drug-users, and while forcing parents to give up custody of their children might seem like a justifiable response to such neglect, there are many people who fear that implementing such a regime will only discourage parents from seeking treatment. Many experts who made submissions or were called before the committee are unhappy with its methods and findings. Indeed, they have suggested the hostility shown toward those who argue for the continuation of harm minimisation strategies indicates the majority of committee members were far from open-minded about different drug treatment methods, or were simply determined to deliver findings in tune with the Federal Government's "tough on drugs" approach. The debate about whether prohibition and tougher law enforcement, allied with strategies to force people to become drug free, is more effective at alleviating the harmful effects and myriad costs of illicit drug-use than harm minimisation is far from settled, of course, even if prohibitionists point to the current heroin drought as proof that being tough on drugs works. Similar controversy rages about whether substitution treatments, specifically those involving methadone or Buprenorphine to tread opioid dependence are better or worse than opioid-antagonist medications like Naltrexone. The evidence is that both appear to be useful in different circumstances. Opioid substitutes are generally credited with reducing overdose deaths, preventing HIV and reducing criminal behaviour. The downside is that they create dependence in the user, preventing, or complicating a complete break from drug use. Given the widely differing needs and circumstance of drug-users, it should be self-evident that the prospects of rehabilitation are greatly enhanced by retaining all treatment options, regardless of whether they conform to particular policies or prejudices. In fact, despite Prime Minister John Howard's advocacy for zero tolerance and harm minimisation, Australia maintains a largely pragmatic, outcomes-oriented approach to illicit drugs policy and one based on all the available expert evidence. It is to be hoped that Bishop's demand for a rethink on drug rehabilitation is recognised for what it is an unreasonably harsh and punitive approach that is more likely to drive drug-users underground than to Naltrexone clinics and that the minister for Families and Community Services, Mal Brough, gives it the response it deserves. - --- MAP posted-by: Jay Bergstrom