Pubdate: Wed, 27 Jun 2007 Source: St. Petersburg Times (FL) Copyright: 2007 St. Petersburg Times Contact: http://www.sptimes.com/letters/ Website: http://www.sptimes.com/home.shtml Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/419 COURT INCOHERENT ABOUT FREE SPEECH In a case limiting the reach of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform law, the U.S. Supreme Court on Monday came down on the side of free speech. "Where the First Amendment is implicated, the tie goes to the speaker, not the censor, " the court said. The 5-4 ruling will allow unions and corporations, including nonprofit public interest groups, to more easily raise their voices on issues as elections near. It was the right call. It's too bad the conservative majority didn't apply that same principle in another free speech case. By ruling against a student who unfurled a nonsensical banner that said "Bong Hits 4 Jesus" during an off-campus, school-sponsored event, the same justices who upheld free speech for unions and corporations abandoned their support for individual rights when it came to student speech they disliked. The case of Morse vs. Frederick involved an Alaska high school senior, Joseph Frederick, who revealed the 14-foot banner during the Olympic torch parade in 2002. He said the banner was meaningless, a joke, and was intended to capture the attention of TV cameras. His principal confiscated the banner and punished Frederick with a 10-day suspension for promoting illegal drug use. Frederick then sued. In a fractured decision, with Chief Justice John Roberts writing for five of six justices who would have ruled for the principal, the court carved out an exception to student free speech when it comes to pro-drug messages. Roberts acknowledged that the banner could have been "gibberish" but said it was reasonable for the principal and the court to interpret it as encouraging drug use and that meant it could be censored. As the dissent written by Justice John Paul Stevens pointed out, Roberts, who was ready to give every benefit of the doubt to free speech in the campaign finance context, was quick to lean the other way when uncomfortable student speech was at issue. Even assuming that the banner promoted drug use, Stevens noted that never before had the court suggested that a pro-drug message could be constitutionally banned in the school context. Instead, the court had traditionally protected unpopular viewpoints from official censorship, even in public schools. Citing the seminal student free speech case in which the wearing of black armbands by high school students to protest the Vietnam War was deemed protected by the First Amendment, Stevens wrote that students "may not be confined to the expression of those sentiments that are officially approved." He reminded the majority that in 1965, at the time of the armband protest, opposition to the war was considered unpatriotic if not treasonous and could have easily caused an argument or disturbance. Yet the court stood by the students. In Federal Election Commission vs. Wisconsin Right to Life Inc., the conservative members of the court held that part of the McCain-Feingold law infringed on the free speech of the antiabortion group Wisconsin Right to Life. Specifically, the law barred the advocacy group from mentioning the names of the state's two U.S. senators, only one of whom was running for re-election, in a broadcast ad 60 days before an election or 30 days before a primary, unless the group paid for the ads with funds raised in small amounts and in strict accordance with election law. "Discussion of issues cannot be suppressed simply because the issues may also be pertinent in an election, " Roberts wrote for the majority. The ruling means that issue advocacy and voter education before an election will no longer be handcuffed by federal law, a result sought by a wide range of ideological groups including the American Civil Liberties Union, the AFL-CIO, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the National Rifle Association. The Constitution's free speech guarantees should not be extended to preferred interests only. Both the conservative and liberal wings of the high court demonstrated in these opinions that the coherent and consistent articulation of a constitutional principle is not their strong suit. - --- MAP posted-by: Derek