Pubdate: Sat, 21 Jan 2012 Source: National Post (Canada) Copyright: 2012 Canwest Publishing Inc. Contact: http://drugsense.org/url/wEtbT4yU Website: http://www.nationalpost.com/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/286 Author: David Berry ADDICTED TO PROHIBITION In The Man with the Twisted Lip, Arthur Conan Doyle's 16th-favourite Sherlock Holmes story, Dr. Watson is impelled to find a man in an opium den located in "a vile alley" on a London Wharf. The establishment itself is not much better: "Through the gloom, one could dimly catch a glimpse of . bowed shoulders, heads thrown back, and chins pointing upward, with here and there a dark, lack-luster eye turned upon the newcomer." They mutter to themselves or to each other in trailed-off conversations, and Watson doesn't aim to stay long. Conan Doyle - whose most famous hero was a proponent of both cocaine and morphine, remember - was propagating what was for his time the conventional wisdom on opium dens: horrible, dim places, populated chiefly by ethnics and a few wayward countrymen. As frequently happens with conventional wisdom, this was wrong on several counts. For starters, opium dens were never terribly widespread in England, due mainly to the low population of Chinese people, who tended to spread the practice: Outside of Asia, opium dens chiefly flourished, as it were, in France and along North America's west coast. Second, they weren't necessarily squalid: Some Asian dens were actually quite opulent, as photographs from the day show. According to contemporary accounts, the state of North American dens tended to vary with the class of patrons, a good number of whom were from the less maligned - i.e. white - ethnic groups. Nevertheless, it was this popular conception that helped stir up public fervor against not just the dens but the drug they distributed. San Francisco took the first steps, banning the public smoking of opium in the 1870s, helped along by a healthy wave of anti-Chinese sentiment, stirred partly by the increased numbers who had come to help construct railroads and other infrastructure. The fervent need to do something spread until, on January 23, 1912, 13 nations got together in The Hague, Netherlands, and signed the International Opium Convention, the world's first global drug-control treaty. The success of our century-long experiment is, well, debatable. Opium dens, of course, have long been consigned to daguerreotypes and Victorian fiction, which is actually no small victory: With pockets of exception, and then essentially only for narcotics far softer than heroin, there is almost nowhere in the world where you can openly take the substances we have collectively decided to prohibit without the fear of police intervention. That's indicative of the fact that, though it may not seem like it, drugs are actually harder to get than when we began. To take opium as an example, in 1906 there was supposedly 41,000 tons of it produced in the world (reliable statistics from the time are hard to come by, so this number is disputed); nevertheless, today, despite a recent uptick, medicinal and illegal uses of opium combined only manage an eighth of that, even with a vastly expanded population. This is some kind of progress. Still, though the signers of the original treaty allowed for the "gradual suppression" of drugs, it's doubtful they meant this gradual. The illegal drug trade is estimated to generate some $400-billion worldwide, putting it only behind oil and weapons in terms of worldwide economic scope. Then, of course, there are prohibition's spin-off effects. Drugs always have had a human toll (China, which was crazy for the stuff, still spoke regretfully of the "opium ghosts" that were sometimes left in its wake). But the sort of institutionalized violence we see today in, say, Mexico's border region, at least wasn't a function of unregulated drug use. Actually, to detour for a second, it should probably be qualified that non-government-sanctioned institutionalized violence wasn't a necessary consequence of unregulated drugs. Though the Chinese and opium use were intimately connected by 1912, the union was helped along greatly by the British military. Opium first popped up in China in the 18th-century, but the Chinese emperor eventually made it illegal, which helped minimize its use until the British sought to resolve a huge trade deficit - they were almost literally importing all the tea in China - by flooding China with opium from its Indian colony. Though smugglers were quite happy, the Chinese twice tried very hard to stop the practice. With an economy to protect, the British responded by waging the Opium Wars, the results of which included the British control of Hong Kong and a widespread culture of opium use in China. There is no small irony in the fact that the 1912 convention, signed by the British, devotes an entire chapter to essentially shaming China, including detailing how the contracted powers will prevent the plague of opium use in the country. Granted, stark hypocrisy is probably not a terribly big surprise to those who pay attention to drug policy today. If anything, it's a pointed reminder that, when it comes to drug control, little changes. However you judge the success of our first century of global efforts to eradicate drug use, what is most striking is how similar our approach has remained: Save for some archaic language and a welcome brevity, the 1912 convention could pass for a 2012 resolution, with its assumption that good intentions and making things illegal will be enough to solve the problem. With luck, by the time 2112 comes along, we will have at least adapted our approach. There is no reason, to borrow from Conan Doyle again, that drug policy should be the one fixed point in a changing age. - --- MAP posted-by: Matt