Pubdate: Sat, 13 Dec 2014 Source: Washington Post (DC) Copyright: 2014 The Washington Post Company Contact: http://mapinc.org/url/mUgeOPdZ Website: http://www.washingtonpost.com/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/491 Author: Colbert I. King THE THREAT TO D.C. HOME RULE CAN'T BE IGNORED We thought all the angles had been covered, since the Senate had passed D.C. home rule legislation seven times before. So on July 10, 1973, Committee on the District of Columbia Chairman Thomas Eagleton (D-Mo.) and ranking member Charles McC. Mathias Jr. (R-Md.), plus Robert Harris and me - the committee's majority and minority staff directors, respectively - entered the Senate chamber confident that the votes were there to pass the bill again. The outstanding question of the day was whether the House, which for reasons of race and politics was a burial ground for the city's hopes of home rule, could pass a similar bill under the leadership of new House District Committee Chairman Charles C. Diggs Jr. (D-Mich.), an African American and veteran congressman. So we thought. Our bill encountered smooth sailing on the floor as Eagleton and Mathias easily disposed of two amendments that we knew would be offered by GOP Sen. William Scott of Virginia. (Scott once called a news conference to deny he was "The King of Dumb," as he would be dubbed in a 1974 New Times cover story by Nina Totenberg.) But we weren't prepared for what came next. Republican Sen. Norris Cotton of New Hampshire took the floor, announced his support for the home rule bill and then offered an amendment that would authorize the president to appoint the District's police chief with the advice and consent of the Senate. The ghosts of 1783 seemed to be haunting the Senate. Concern centered on the possibility that an elected D.C. government might refuse to send police to protect Congress from a threat, as the Pennsylvania executive council had when the Continental Congress sitting in Philadelphia was besieged by 400 unpaid and unruly soldiers. The Cotton amendment sent Eagleton, Mathias and staff scrambling to round up votes against it. Ultimately it was defeated, but nearly a third of the Senate favored allowing the president and Congress to essentially control the D.C. police department - a surprising and sobering discovery. Which is a rather long-winded way of working around to the latest congressional incursion into D.C. self-government - and to what a new city administration needs to do going forward. You don't have to be a supporter of legalized marijuana to recognize that the rider in Congress's pending budget deal that would block a marijuana legalization measure approved overwhelmingly by D.C. voters is an incursion upon selfgovernment. The essence of home rule is the right of D.C. residents to decide - not for the nation, only for themselves - on a particular course of action. As a resident, I may or may not agree with the decision. But I respect and defend the will of the voters. Today's Congress obviously does not. Congress's overriding objective right now is to approve a spending bill that avoids a government shutdown. If getting to yes on a spending bill means cutting something here and blocking something there, so be it. Most members probably never gave a thought to including a rider quashing the D.C. initiative until after the event occurred. If all this can unfold in a Washington where Democrats control the White House and half of Congress, the District's worst days may be yet to come. A Republican Senate and a more Republican House, both of them having a dim to dismissive view of D.C. independence, will come roaring into town in January. What does that mean for the incoming D.C. administration of Muriel Bowser? No longer can congressional relations be treated as a second-tier assignment. To date, much of the heavy lifting on Capitol Hill has been left to Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D), who has long kept her finger in the dike to keep major legislative disasters from flooding the District. Her role is irreplaceable. But a new political dynamic is coming. Mayor Bowser needs to be adept at building relationships and keeping communications open with this new Congress, partisan differences notwithstanding. Bowser requires a team of heavyweights, drawn from influential segments of the city and region, to serve as her liaisons to Capitol Hill. She and her team, while communicating with Norton, must interact directly with members and committees, both formally and informally, on policy and political matters important to the city. And Norton will have to respect the mayor's role in working with the new, all-GOP Congress. The city must not get caught flat-footed, as it was with the anti-drug legalization rider - and as we were back in ' 73. The District's freedom to make its own choices is at stake. - --- MAP posted-by: Jay Bergstrom