Pubdate: 17 Mar 1997 Source: Chris Clay Author: Patricia G. Erickson Note: MAP is archiving each of the affidavits filed in the Chris Clay Constitutional Challenge to preserve these important documents. Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/clay.htm (Clay, Chris) ONTARIO COURT (GENERAL DIVISION) (SOUTHWEST REGION) BETWEEN HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN Respondent and CHRISTOPHER CLAY Applicant Affidavit Of Patricia G. Erickson I, PATRICIA G. ERICKSON (Ph. D.), of City of Toronto, in the Toronto Region, MAKE OATH AND SAY AS FOLLOWS: 1. I am a Senior Scientist within the Social and Evaluation Research Department of the Addiction Research Foundation in Toronto. As well, I am an Adjunct Professor in the Department of Sociology, the Director of the Collaborative Program in Alcohol, Tobacco and other Psychoactive Substances, and a member of the Graduate Faculty at University of Toronto. Before joining the Addiction Research Foundation in 1973, I was a researcher with the Centre of Criminology, at the University of Toronto. I am the author of works such as Cannabis Criminals; The Social Effects of Punishment on Drug Users (ARF Books, 1980), "Living with Prohibition" in the International Journal of the Addictions (1989), the co-author of The Steel Drug: Cocaine in Perspective (Lexington Books, 1987) and The Steel Drug: Cocaine in Perspective. 2nd ed. (1994), as well as the co-editor of Illicit Drugs in Canada (Nelson Canada, 1988). My other publications and professional interests are in the areas of law enforcement and social policy with respect to illicit drugs, comparative juvenile justice systems, deterrence and drug market violence. I received my Doctorate in Criminology and Social Administration from the University of Glasgow, in Scotland, in 1983. My curriculum vitae is attached hereto at Exhibit "A". 2. While scientific investigation into the nature of drugs and their actions is an important factor in making informed decisions about drug use and drug policy, I believe that pharmacological research does not afford answers to all the issues concerning legislative measures to control and prohibit drug use. The scientific research concerning the effects of drugs on humans has its limitations. One of the most significant limitations of the scientific data to date is that knowledge about the effects of drugs on human users has traditionally come from observation of a biased sample. Most users of prohibited substances do not advertise themselves, and when they do surface it is usually because of problems such as arrest, dependence, overdose, and drug-related criminal activity. As a result, conclusions are drawn from the worst cases, while users with more benign patterns of use remain out of sight. For example, a school principal or a child psychologist may encounter many young cannabis users whose grades are falling, who are in trouble with teachers or parents, or who have drawn attention to themselves due to other behavioral problems. Yet well-behaved adult users may go unobserved by virtue of the fact that they can use drugs while continuing to be successful in other areas of their lives. Similarly, if most of the drug users seen by professionals are involved in a life of crime, addiction, or both, it is tempting to conclude that this is the inevitable result of using the drug. 3. I believe the public's perception of the affects of alcohol would be significantly different if most of the information about alcohol and its effects came from patients in alcohol treatment programs or addicted prisoners forced to abstain. If this were the case, the data and literature would show that, although people's curiosity and social nature lead them to start with a few drinks, the frequency of this drinking gradually increases until the alcohol becomes the pre-eminent force in the user's life. The public would see alcohol as an extremely powerful drug which radically changes the way people feel about themselves and the way in which they conduct their relationships with others. Further, the public would be forced to conclude that most, if not all, alcohol drinkers are bound to end up addicted to alcohol, with their lives in ruins. Lacking knowledge of "ordinary" drinkers who have not encountered problems, the public would inevitably conclude that the seductive and destructive powers of alcohol were derived largely from its pharmacology. 4. Even when rigorous methods are maintained in the formal analysis of scientific evidence, the application of the data is subject to more than one interpretation. In my opinion, medical and biological findings alone cannot and do not form the sole basis of public policy decisions. Political, legal, philosophical, economic, and moral issues must also be considered as they often influence the interpretation of the scientific data. I have conducted several studies and written many articles utilizing this multi-disciplinary approach to the analysis of drug prohibitions. 5. In my view, there are many popular misconceptions regarding illicit drug use. These misconceptions are premised on the belief that drugs possess extraordinary powers and, thus, they overwhelm users or compel them to behave in certain ways. These misconceptions also result from the mechanistic characterization of human beings as helpless individuals, who lack volition when confronted with drugs. The misconceptions assume that people are unable to exercising choice and make rational decisions about their drug use. The data show that the ability to avoid drug-related problems is not evenly distributed in the population and that youth, psychological instability, and other factors may increase the probability of their occurrence. However, the mythology of drug use attributes etiology of drug abuse to pharmacology, creating an image of the powerless individual in the grip of the all-powerful drug. 6. One of the common misconceptions about drugs is that the pharmacological properties of illicit drugs are overwhelming and behaviorally specific. The misconceptions arise partly from fear and ignorance, but also from confusion of correlation and causation. Observations of drug users with other social problems have led to the assumption that drug use caused these problems, although there is no logical reason why the reverse might not be true, or why no causal relationship might exist. 7. In my opinion there is no merit to the notion that the use of one drug may "cause" people to move on the other and stronger drugs. This theory has been around since the early part of this century, but crystallized in the United States after World War II. Originally, it was thought that this so-called progression, usually from marijuana to heroin, had a pharmacological basis. When this theory was rejected, the alleged progression was blamed on psychiatric factors. That argument has also failed to withstand scrutiny. Today, progression is rarely mentioned by experts in the field. 8. Today, the focus has shifted to the "gateway" theory; namely, that cannabis use serves as a gateway to using more "serious" drugs. The gateway theory is based on a considerable body of research into patterns of multiple drug use. Generally, there is not much difference between the concepts of "gateway" and "progression". Both words imply that by taking one kind of drug the individual increases his or her risk of taking another, and that perhaps some mysterious drug-related forces are at work that will lure users along against their better judgment. Like its predecessor, the gateway theory is significantly flawed. Research has shown that cannabis smokers are more likely to report use of other drugs than are non-users. Furthermore, multiple illicit drug users are more likely to have been heavier, rather than light, cannabis users. They are also more likely to have been involved in the buying and selling of cannabis. However, none of these facts can be attributed to special properties of cannabis per se. The process involved in illicit drug use are very human, and therefore also very social. They reflect involvement in friendship networks that at first include those who only use cannabis, but widen to include users of other drugs. That most people have never tried a drug like LSD, heroin or cocaine should come as no surprise, since people are less likely to seek out the drugs or want to try them. These are relatively rare illegal commodities that even cannabis users may not encounter. One needs friends who use such substances and provide a favourable example before a decision can be made for or against trying them. Studies which have taken into account a full range of unconventional adolescent activities (including illicit drug use), have found that drug use of any kind, legal or illegal, tends to be part of a larger behavioral syndrome for a given age cohort. Thus, the same factors that predict cannabis use also predict precocious initiation into alcohol use and sexual intercourse. In sum, there is nothing magical about "gateway" drugs. Rather, there seems to be a constellation of social and psychological factors involved in determining the degree of deviant behaviour a person might exhibit. Illicit drug use is simply one of these factors. 9. It has been estimated that somewhere in the area of four or five million people in Canada have tried cannabis at one point in their life, whereas consumers of "hard drugs" only number in the thousands. To say that roughly 8-10% of the population consume marijuana would not be a gross under estimate. Therefore, it can clearly be seen that consumption of marijuana does not lead to "hard drug" use for the vast majority of marijuana consumers. 10. Studies conducted by the Addiction Research Foundation between 1977-1995 indicate that cannabis use among the Canadian youth (i.e. 12-19 years of age) has increased from 12.7% in 1993, to 22.7% in 1995, although it should be noted that this is still lower than the rate in 1979 (31.1%). While the rate of consumption has decreased among the youth, it is interesting to note that it has been increasing among those aged 30 to 49 years from 15.4% in 1977, to 39.6% in 1994. Overall, it has been a steady trend that more males than females use marijuana, 25.7% as compared with 19.8%. Studies have found that cannabis use is not significantly related to family income, educational level, or employment status. Perhaps the most influential demographic factor in the use of cannabis is age. 11. Marijuana is one of the few substances shown in both human and animal research as being negatively correlated with violence. There is no evidence that cannabis makes people violent or drives them to be involved in violence in any way. Most marijuana users do not engage in other criminal activity and their marijuana use constitutes their major risk-taking activity. Very little (or no) crime is a product of a compulsive need to obtain and use marijuana although connections have been made between crime and much stronger drugs (i.e. cocaine and heroin). It must be recognized, however, that there is some violence associated with the marijuana drug trade because the legal prohibition creates a black market for distribution, and a black market leads to the commission of secondary crime. 12. In general, there is no relationship between consumption of marijuana and the development of psychotic behavior, however, in some extreme cases a connection can be made primarily with persons who have pre-existing disorders. 13. In my opinion, if people are permitted to use cannabis in their own home and are permitted to grow cannabis for their personal use, harmful patterns of use of marijuana will not emerge. In a study I did on adult cannabis users, I found that the majority of the subjects used marihuana in a social setting only. It appeared that the most of the adult users in my study had access to a steady flow of marijuana despite its criminalization. It appears that there are already norms for marihuana use that helps protect people from abusing the substance. I have documented these results in my article "Living with Prohibition" in The International Journal of the Addictions 24(3), 175-188, 1989, a copy or which is attached hereto as Exhibit "B". 14. The imposition of criminal sanctions on cannabis users has been at the heart of much of the debate over cannabis policy from the mid-1960's to the present. By the early 1990's, some 600,000 Canadians have received criminal records for cannabis-related offenses. In Canada, as elsewhere, the impact of criminal conviction on young lives was identified as one of the most serious costs generated by the current prohibition. I have documented these adverse individual consequences of criminalization in my book, titled Cannabis Criminals: The Social Effects of Punishment on Drug Users. (Toronto: ARF Books, 1980), a copy of which is attached hereto as Exhibit "C". The methodology of that study is set out in the second chapter of the book. 15. A major by-product of the prohibition is that it creates a category of cannabis criminals. Consuming cannabis is considered a criminal activity and therefore any user is vulnerable to being labeled with a criminal status. The consequences of this stigmatizing label can carry many long-term consequences. Even without even being found guilty, the offender suffers a loss of liberty, as well as humiliation and worry. If an offender is found guilty they receive a criminal label. They must live in fear the rest of their lives, wondering when this label will come back to haunt them. In my opinion, this is the biggest disadvantage of the criminalization process. 16. Most individuals who are caught are on the low end of the socioeconomic scale. By saddling them with a criminal record, finding a job and becoming a contributing member of society only becomes more difficult. With the depressed job market, employers are more likely to hire someone without a marijuana record when comparing applicants. In a legal stigma study I conducted, it was found that there was a significant difference in job offers between individuals who possessed a criminal record for marijuana possession and those who did not. People who received a discharge fell somewhere in the middle, however, it was found that individuals who were charged received significantly less offers than those who did not possess a record. 17. Some people argue that the impact of receiving a criminal record for cannabis use has been watered down by social and legal developments and that, today, the consumption of marijuana is viewed as far less deviant. In my own view, this is untrue and the label has not been watered down enough to make the effects of criminalization negligible. 18. In the 1980's, health concerns had gained ascendancy. This thwarted much of the impetus for legal reform. For this reason, Glenn F. Murray and I conducted a second study which re-examined the nature of the costs to individual cannabis users arising from their criminalization and also to consider the reciprocal pressure that criminalization policy exerts on the processing of offenders. Our study utilized interview data collected from similar groups of cannabis possession offenders in 1974 and 1981 in Toronto to address the following questions: (i) "who gets caught": have offender characteristics changed; (ii) "what is the impact": have offenders' responses to the experience of criminalization altered; (iii) "how has the system responded": have the police and courts changed their procedures and practices regarding cannabis offenders. A copy of a reprint of our paper, "Cannabis Criminals Revisited", British Journal of Addiction, 81, no. 1(1986): 81-85, is attached hereto as Exhibit "D". My research and the research that I have reviewed have lead me to conclude that the health and social costs associated with the consumption of marihuana are relatively low and out of proportion with the costs of criminalization. The overall costs of the use of marihuana are much lower than the individual and social costs of the criminal sanctions which the legal system uses to deal with users of marihuana. 19. In 1983, I published a critique of the Canadian regime of cannabis control policy in conjunction with Robert Solomon (currently of a professor of law at University of Western Ontario) and Eric Single (currently the research and policy director of the Canadian Centre on Substance Abuse). A copy of this paper is attached as Exhibit "E" to this my affidavit. In this paper, we concluded that the costs of criminalizing users far exceed the deterrent benefits. We then considered three other policy alternatives to total prohibition: mitigation, partial repeal, and legal availability. For each, we asked how individual and social costs can be minimized with the least risk of increasing harmful levels of use. Drawing on data generated since the completion of the Le Dain Commission's (1970-1972) reports, we reached the same preferred option as that favoured by the Commission majority, namely, the partial repeal of the offence of simple possession. We suggested several forms such an option could take, and forecasted only slight increases in use under such a policy. From my studies, I have concluded that consumption rates ebb and flow with little regard for the state of legal sanctions. In fact, specific deterrent effects are virtually non-existent, and in studies I have conducted, it was determined that 92% of first offenders continued to consume marijuana within one year of being sentenced for simple possession. It appears that consumption rates change with changing social and economic factors rather than changing as a result of the deterrent effect of increasingly punitive sanctions. 20. It appears that public opinion is consistent with the recommendations of the Le Dain Commission. In 1977, a Gallup poll reported that the majority of Canadians oppose the harsh criminalization of cannabis possession. In particular, 36% Canadians wanted to see cannabis possession sanctioned by a fine at the maximum, whereas 23% thought it should not be a full criminal offence, and only 35% wanted the offence to be a full criminal offence. More recently, Health Canada released a public opinion poll in 1995 which found that 27% of Canadians believe that "possession of marijuana should be legal", while 42.1% believe it should remain illegal but only be punished by a fine or a non-jail sentence. therefore, in 1995, it is apparent that 70% of Canadians are opposed to the use of incarcerating criminal sanctions to combat marijuana use. Attached hereto as Exhibit "F" is a copy of an article which I co-authored with Benedikt Fischer and Reginald Smart, The New Canadian Drug Law: One Step Forward, Two Steps Backward (1996) 7 The International Journal of Drug Law 172, in which the results of these public opinion polls have been summarized. 21. I make this affidavit in support of the Applicant's Application for a declaration of constitutional invalidity and for no other or improper purpose. SWORN before me in City of Toronto, in the Toronto Region, this 17th day of March, 1997. PATRICIA ERICKSON