Source: Washington Post Address: 1150 15th St. NW Address: Washington DC 20071 0001 Pubdate: Sunday, September 14, 1997; Page A06 CIA Turns to Boutique Operations, Covert Action Against Terrorism, Drugs, Arms By Walter Pincus Washington Post Staff Writer CIArun agents who had infiltrated terrorist groups in recent years aided in intelligence gathering that helped prevent two attacks in the past seven months against U.S. embassies abroad, new CIA Director George J. Tenet told Congress earlier this year. Tenet declined to provide details of the operations, including where they occurred. But in making even that minimal disclosure, he was signaling that while covert action remains a primary activity at the CIA in the postCold War period, there has been a departure from the spy service's often criticized history of clandestine operations directed at influencing foreign government policies or attempting to remove political leaders, according to agency officials. Reflecting new threats that face U.S. policymakers, major covert actions are now being aimed at disrupting terrorist plans, stopping narcotics shipments or fouling up financial transactions of missile makers, sources said. For instance, computer hacker technology has been used to disrupt international money transfers and other financial activities of Arab businessmen who support suspected terrorists. Military research and development operations of hostile governments, such as North Korea, Iraq and Iran, have been sabotaged by having European, Asian and other suppliers sell them faulty parts that will eventually fail. Other tools permit "spiking" exports and imports to and from rogue countries such as Libya and Iraq with extraneous matter such as putting water in oil to create dissatisfaction with consumers. "In the past five to seven years, the sophistication of the new tools of covert action have helped bring about a sea change in operations from the old days," according to a senior intelligence official. He added: "These operations are easier to do and provide incremental successes. A shipment is stopped, another is sabotaged, we take down a terrorist cell; things like this are happening now every week." Rep. Porter J. Goss (RFla.), the first chairman of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence to have served as a CIA case officer, said such operations, particularly in the area of counterterrorism, represented a new type of clandestine activity. "There are a large number of hidden activities going on to meet transnational threats," he said, "but I'm reluctant to call them covert action." Tenet, who spent much of his last two years as the No. 2 man at the agency studying covert operations, has mandated that intelligence collection and not covert action will be the principal requirement for the Directorate of Operations (DO), the clandestine side of the agency. In naming Jack G. Downing, a highly respected DO officer to take over the embattled DO, Tenet told reporters recently he was turning to "a world renown operator" who can "run quality operations that generate unique information" on which action can be taken. As the CIA approaches the 50th anniversary of its founding this week, the new approach marks an important shift in emphasis away from the type of covert actions for which the agency became famous and infamous. "Covert activities involving exile groups or arming guerrilla fighters take a lot of time and attention and divert resources from developing a base of agents who could be gathering intelligence on our hardest targets," one top agency official said. He added that often the exiles in traditional covert activities directed at a country "can't be controlled, people get locked into political positions and often the payoff is negligible or can't be measured at all." The agency has been sharply criticized for its operations against Iraq leader Saddam Hussein by Iraqi exiles and former agency operatives disappointed in how things turned out. In addition, new CIA and Justice Department investigations into past agency operations in Central America are expected to be released shortly, guaranteeing more criticism for the agency's cooperation with drug dealers who were also aiding Nicaraguan contra operations and for training Honduran special forces that later committed human rights violations. Agents recruited for intelligence gathering rather than paramilitary operations are "more disciplined," the official said, "and are not the same kind of people as exiles. They relentlessly gather intelligence on which we can act, giving us the option of using some new tools." Intelligence Chairman Goss said, "There has been an evolution in the tools and equipment," pointing out that in the 1960s CIA covert action included trying clandestinely to affect elections, influence third country political and labor leaders and university students without showing U.S. involvement. Today, Goss said, these formerly covert activities are now openly undertaken by U.S. scholarship and travel programs or national endowments run by Republican and Democratic parties and openly financed by the U.S. government. That was inconceivable 20 years ago, Goss said. "Covert action is a term of art," he said, adding that "I can't answer for what it will be in the year 2010." There still are traditional, smallerscale covert operations underway against Iran and Iraq that include placing propaganda in local newspapers or a country's television network, leafleting and beaming in radio broadcasts from secret mobile transmitters and supporting exiles. Some are underway because members of Congress want something done against such antiAmerican countries. One CIA official noted that House Speaker Newt Gingrich (RGa.) has made wellpublicized demands that efforts be made to take stronger steps to undermine the Iranian government. Such pressures worry intelligence veterans. "Little, dumb covert actions to get Congress off your back are bound to fail," said a former topranking CIA officer with experience in Afghanistan and Europe. He was referring to the Bush and Clinton administrations' covert action programs directed at Iraq's Saddam Hussein over the past six years. "Covert action is not a miracle worker," he added. He was particularly critical of exiles from Afghanistan, Iran and Iraq who worked the halls of Congress trying to gain support for their own groups and their efforts to regain power. "We tried to work with exiles overseas . . . Libyans, Ukrainians. These never went anywhere," he said. "Exiles in $600 Hickey Freeman suits work Capitol Hill; we were looking to give money to guys in the field who do the shooting." Iraq, according to another senior intelligence official, is a good example of the danger of the old approach. When the operation failed, 1,000 or more Iraqis associated with the CIA program had to be evacuated to avoid arrest by Saddam Hussein's forces and possible death. For most of the agency's history, covert actions were directed against the Soviet Union or communist governments and groups around the world. They attempted to influence another nation's government or policies through nondiplomatic means without disclosing U.S. participation. In the late 1950s, CIA officials promoted the agency's role in overturning the Guatemalan and Iranian governments and fostered the impression even among top policymakers and nonprofessional CIA directors that the agency could get rid of whatever leaders or government it wished. Subsequent inability through years of covert actions to topple Cuban President Fidel Castro or Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi, while provoking criticism and fingerpointing within successive administrations, did not prevent the agency from being described as the source of coups and guerrilla activities worldwide. Controversy over CIA covert operations in Central America in the 1980s still rages. Within the next month, a CIA inspector general report is due on allegations the agency trained a Honduran military unit that committed human rights violations. And later this year, the CIA and Justice Department's inspectors general are to deliver their reports on allegations the agency operatives supporting the Nicaraguan contra rebels at the same time aiding Central American drug dealers who brought narcotics into the United States. At his Senate confirmation hearing in May, Tenet reflected the view of many active and retired officers when he called covert action to change another government's policies "a critical instrument of U.S. foreign policy," but only one instrument among many. "It should never stand alone, it should never be the last resort of a failed policy," he said. _ Copyright 1997 The Washington Post Company