Source: New York Magazine Contact: http://www.newyorkmag.com/ Pubdate: July 23, 1998 Author: Walter Kirn STONING THE DRUG WAR The drug war, Mike Gray argues in Drug Crazy, makes governments and law-enforcement people feel good, but it's the most dangerous of addictions. Having raged on for more than 80 years now, and with no end in sight, the federal government's war on drugs has suffered failures and achieved successes. First, the failures. Prisons the size of international airports, though far more crowded and markedly less secure. Organized rub-outs, open-air gunplay, and innocent-bystander-maiming crossfire that makes Capone's Prohibition-era Chicago seem like Knott's Berry Farm. Street gangs whose monthly net exceeds Netscape's, equipped with communication networks, command structures, and high-tech weaponry that could take Iraq. Lawmen licensed to seize, without due process, for their own institutional enrichment, your house, your car, your watch, and the crumpled twenty in your back pocket. A legal system racially rent asunder. Banks turned into Laundromats for dirty currency. Precinct houses that keep alive the spirit of the old Times Square, and tens of millions of American citizens whose own blood and urine, extracted under duress, can stand up in court, the Fifth Amendment be damned, and send their own host organisms straight to jail. Now for the successes. For anyone of virtually any age who wishes to obtain them, heroin, marijuana, cocaine, amphetamines, and LSD, in ever more potent and appealing forms, remain abundantly available. So much for a balanced weighing of an issue that no longer warrants such a courtesy. According to Drug Crazy, Mike Gray's compelling rant against the ruinous, big-budget witch hunt that has unleashed more evils than it's unearthed and devastated vaster legions of sinners than Jehovah at his grumpiest, the drug war can end in one of only two ways: a strongman-on strongman national Ultimate Fighting match lamely refereed by dirty officials (the Blade Runner scenario) or an orderly conditional surrender to imperfect human nature (the Benjamin Spock Memorial Peace Plan). Gray doesn't hide his preference for the second course, and the evidence he piles up for his case, historical, scientific, and anecdotal, fills only 200 pages yet still comes off as overkill. Gray knows he's right from sentence one, and by sentence 100 the thoughtful reader does, too, which makes for a book that's less an argument than a muted rant. Its veneer of reason barely hides Gray's apoplexy, and that's Drug Crazy's strength. The time for fighting stupidity with intelligence (seldom an effective strategy anyway) is over. Now it's time to pour on the contempt. Drug Crazy begins with a competent reconstruction of the drug war's turn-of-the-century early stirrings, which Gray writes began as a collision of social reform and religious fundamentalism. Originally a stepchild to the temperance movement, the move against opium -- a common ingredient in over-the-counter cough elixirs, its chronic abusers mostly white and female - -- was part of a domestic anti-Chinese racism and part of a subtle diplomatic power play aimed at curbing British influence in Asia. The push against cocaine was more direct: Get those drug-crazed niggers. With a genius for engineering a quagmire exceeding even LBJ's and McNamara's, the crusade's boobish point man, one Dr. Hamilton Wright (later exposed as a heavy-duty boozer), drew up a battle plan that targeted doctors first. Framed as a tax act, the 1914 Harrison Narcotics Act terrorized thousands of physicians who prescribed drugs to soothe addicted patients. In the meantime, a quackish cure-all for addiction based on a TNT-strength laxative absolved the crusaders of guilt for damning thousands of newly minted drug fiends to an anguished, cold-turkey withdrawal. Just flush out their guts and send them on their way. The next tall white hat top ride into Drug City was not a doofus do-gooder but an inflamed fanatic. Described by Gray with unstinting derision as a law and order evangelist, Harry Anslinger headed the Treasury Department's Federal Bureau of Narcotics, but his actual power base was in the private sector. Crowned a sort of one-man FDA, Anslinger could approve or veto at will pharmaceutical companies applications to market narcotic-based painkillers. The King of Codeine, the Marquis of Morphine, he was perhaps the grandest example to date of the drug war's metaphysical ambivalence, its spiritual two-facedness. Whether it's Oliver North allegedly importing loads of coke in the name of Nicaraguan anti-communism, the CIA wading hip-deep into the opium trade in the Vietnam-era golden Triangle, President Bush deforesting Bolivia while posing for handshake P.R. shots with Noriega, or the local undercover cop cruising with the top down on his freshly seized Ferrari, the enterprise seems to breed an evil more rarefied than payoff-style corruption. The good guys create the scarcity that guarantees the bad guys profits, the bad guys fan the instability that secures the good guys jobs, and all too often both sides find common cause protecting their synergistic racket from socialist agitators, zealous legalizers, internal-affairs units, and other interlopers. They're mutually nourishing parasites, and their hearts may someday beat as one. The fiery doomsdays that Gray sees coming if things don't cool off soon (a war between the producing nations and those that consume their products, which seems to me far-fetched, or the subversion of U.S. civil society, which strikes me as already having begun) seem appealingly cathartic compared with the slow-roast status quo of racist law enforcement, diminished privacy, and the class of new untouchables who fail to score A-pluses on their urine tests. Gray's point -- and though he's not the first to make it, he has honed and hardened it enough to pierce the thickest skulls -- is that the drug war isn't now and likely never was, an authentic conflict between enemies but a hysterical splitting of the whole, dividing blacks from whites, suburbanites from city dwellers, and, most cruelly and injuriously, doctors from the patients. If 10-year-olds can take Ritalin, an amphetamine, without dismembering their soccer coaches, and California cancer patients can smoke dope without raping their nurses, who put the fiend in drug fiend in the first place? The chemicals or the cops? Grays book, justifiably bitter and sarcastic as well as lucid and informative, tells the drug-war story straight and true. Criminalization is what makes criminals, not hemp leaves, and demonization is what makes demons, not processed poppy juice. Drug addiction is hell for many addicts, and war is hell, too, according to the old saying. What ever convinced us that two hells make a heaven? Walter Kirn's 1997-98 reviews are available at http://www.newyorkmag.com/ - --- Checked-by: Mike Gogulski