Pubdate: Wed, 19 May 1999
Source: Village Voice (NY)
Copyright: 1999 VV Publishing Corporation
Contact:  36 Cooper Square, New York, NY 10003
Feedback: http://www.villagevoice.com/aboutus/contact.shtml
Website: http://www.villagevoice.com/
Author: Jennifer Gonnerman

THE SUPERMAX SOLUTION

Malone, New York- The homes for the town's newest residents arrived
last summer atop 14-wheel tractor trailers. Each tiny, prefab dwelling
came furnished with two beds, a mirror over the sink, and
steel-reinforced walls. With a photo and caption, the Malone Telegram
heralded these new homes: "prison cell blocks arrive." evidently,
prison building qualifies as good news in Malone, New York (Pop.
14,297), where concrete cages are not merely houses for criminals. To
locals, they are also an answer to chronic underemployment, a magnet
for luring new retail stores, and the best hope of recapturing
malone's boom years.

Each morning around 6:30 a.m., the rumble of construction trucks
interrupts the quiet of this rural town 15 miles south of the Canadian
border. Pickup trucks, bulldozers, and dump trucks careen down Route
37, turn onto Bare Hill Road, and thunder past a dog pound before
stopping inside a vast clearing on the edge of Malone. Here, hundreds
of men in hard hats are hurrying to finish construction of Upstate
Correctional Facility, which will be the state's most punitive
penitentiary when it opens this summer.

Upstate is the first New York prison built specifically to house the
state's most  dangerous inmates, making it a "supermax" in  prison
lingo. States across the country have erected supermaxes in recent
years, but New  York's will be among the harshest. What could be worse
than spending 23 hours a day in a  cell? Try spending 23 hours a day
in a cell with somebody else. The most harrowing  aspect of life
inside Upstate is that  confinement will not be solitary.

Severe overcrowding led New York's prison officials to begin
double-celling inmates in  1995. Men shared a bunk bed at night but
were out of their rooms during the day. This practice started with the
least violent inmates,  and it never applied to prisoners who had
defied prison rules- and been sentenced to  23 hours a day in their
cells. Until now.

Upstate will enforce a new form of punishment by locking pairs of men
together, all day, in 14-by-8-1/2-foot cells. At this two-story
prison,  1500 inmates will be crammed together,  watched over by 800
surveillance cameras and  370 guards. Rehabilitation is beside the
point.  The aim is to cut costs-to house as many prisoners as cheaply
as possible without triggering a riot or an avalanche of lawsuits. 
Locking together pairs of criminals with a history of breaking prison
rules may save dollars, but this policy has an ominous  history.
Pelican Bay State Prison in California is in the midst of eliminating
this practice because 10 prisoners have killed their cellmates in the
last few years.

Upstate's experiment in human containment requires the participation
of Malone residents-without the town's leaders' encouraging its
construction, and without men  and women willing to work inside, the
prison  would not exist. Malone's citizens do not decide prison
policy, nor do they, for the most  part, commit the crimes that have
packed the  state's prisons. But they are the ones who will  enforce
Upstate's rules. In exchange, Malone  will get what it craves: a boost
for its ailing economy. The prison will create 510 well-paid  jobs
(including guards, administrators, and  clerical workers). Townspeople
hope it will  also end the exodus of young people moving  away in
search of work.

Even so, this $180 million prison is spreading unease throughout
Malone. Some residents  wonder exactly what will go on inside the 
high-security facility. Others are simply  anxious that the prison
will change their town  for the worse. There are already two medium-
security prisons in Malone, hidden in the  same strip of forest where
the new supermax  is being built. And some residents are  beginning to
believe that the prisons' impact  extends far beyond the lives of
those who work inside.

Prisons seep into a town's psyche in ways that are nearly impossible
to measure-  shrinking civic pride, straining guards'  marriages,
feeding anxieties about race and  crime. The opening of New York's
70th prison  will transform Malone into one of the nation's largest
prison towns. Soon, Malone will have  an inmate population of almost
5000- far  fewer than the 17,740 prisoners now in New  York City's 14
jails, but a huge number  considering that inmates will make up more 
than one-third of Malone's total population.

Inside its concrete walls, Upstate will reflect  the nation's
criminal-justice priorities at the  end of this century: high-tech
cost-saving over  inmate rehabilitation. Beyond its motion-detecting
fences, however, the  townspeople's trepidation about their new 
supermax echoes the nation's growing doubts  about its prison-building
craze- a  multibillion-dollar experiment in crime control  that
persists even as crime rates drop, that  has imprisoned nearly 2
million people while permanently altering the landscape, economy,  and
spirit of hundreds of America's towns.  Todd Fitzgerald leans forward
to shut off his  tractor's engine and ponders how a supermax  came to
be built on his winding dirt road. "I  don't think we're stupid up
here and don't  care," says the 37-year-old farmer, taking a  break
from plowing a field where he will soon  plant alfalfa. "But there's
low population  density, and you don't get the opposition when you're
building something controversial."

Todd did not want a maximum-security facility built just a patch of
woods away from his  house. But he did not fight it. Some of his 
neighbors signed a petition protesting the  prison, but most people
did nothing. "Up  here," Todd says, "people think if the state  wants
to do something, they're really going to  do it."

Decades of factory layoffs and farm closings have decimated the
economy in Malone,  leaving behind a town hungry for work and for 
hope. When Malone's residents tell a stranger  about their hometown,
they rummage through  the recesses of their minds, dusting off
decades-old memories of what once gave  them paychecks and pride.
Workers hurriedly  sewing and gluing slippers at Tru-Stitch  Footwear,
a fixture in Malone since 1938. The  gangster Dutch Schultz and his
mobster pals  buying beers for locals at the majestic  Flanagan Hotel
on Main Street during the 1930s. The sprawling farm that everyone says
 brought in the largest spinach crop east of the  Mississippi River.

Today, that 1200-acre farm is no more. Slippers sewn by the town's
residents still  appear in the pages of J. Crew and L.L. Bean 
catalogues, but over the last decade Tru-Stitch  has shrunk its
workforce from more than 1100  to 350. And a couple of years ago, a
fire tore  through the Flanagan Hotel. "It was like the  heart and
soul got ripped out of Malone," says  one lifelong resident. Actually,
the spirit of Malone had been taking a beating for years as  its
economy, like those of towns across New  York's North Country, began
to sputter.

Over the last two decades, prisons have become the North Country's
largest growth  industry, the panacea for its towns' economic  woes.
Since 1980, New York has built eight  prisons in this part of the
state, bringing the  total to nine. Hoping to bolster its economy, 
Malone lobbied for a medium-security prison in  the mid 1980s. It
ended up with two: Franklin  Correctional Facility in 1986 and Bare
Hill Correctional Facility in 1988. Before long, the  state increased
the size of both prisons, from  750 beds to more than 1700 today.
Initially,  the state's new supermax was slated for  Tupper Lake, a
town 60 miles away, in the  heart of Adirondack Park. But when 
environmental groups protested, the state  again turned to Malone.

"We couldn't care less where the prison is built as long as we get the
beds we need,"  says James Flateau, spokesperson for the  state
Department of Correctional Services.  "Nobody will make space
available in New  York City for a prison, and Governor Carey  opened a
prison in Long Island and got run out  of town for it. So the only
place left is upstate.  Critics like to say we arrest people in the
city  and send them to prison so we can create  jobs in upstate New
York. That simply is not  true."

Shipping thousands of prisoners to the North Country does accomplish
what most people  want from a prison-it keeps the criminals far 
away. Upstate could not be much farther from  New York City-home to
two-thirds of the  state's prisoners- and still be within the state's
borders. Meanwhile, the outskirts of  Malone are starting to resemble
a full-fledged  penal colony. The new supermax is so close  to Bare
Hill Correctional Facility that an  Upstate inmate staring out the
back of his cell  will have a tough time figuring out where his 
prison ends and the next one begins.

Most Malone residents, of course, will never see this view. But those
who have stepped  inside an Upstate cell do not forget the 
experience. Todd McAleese, a 27-year-old  plumber, has been working on
the prison for  almost a year but cannot imagine surviving in one of
its cells. "I'd be dead in a week," says  Todd as he nurses an
after-work beer at the  Pines, a pub popular with the prison's 
construction workers. "I would not eat or drink  and I'd be the
biggest prick. I'd spit on every  guard who walked by. I'd be doing
swan dives  off the bed." Todd pauses, then takes a sip.  "But this
isn't a regular prison," he says. "This is the worst of the worst."

Joyce T. Tavernier, Malone's Republican mayor, visibly shudders when
she recalls  peering inside an Upstate cell while touring the 
facility with fellow members of the prison's  local advisory board.
"We give our cats more  room than that," says the 65-year-old mayor, 
while seated in her modest office next to a  wooden pole with an
American flag. "We all  thought we wouldn't want to be in one, but I
think everyone realized this is the way it had  to be," she says.
"We're not talking about  people who spit on the sidewalk or cashed a 
check that bounced."

When Todd Fitzgerald, the farmer, spotted a tractor trailer carrying
cell blocks parked along  his road, he drove closer and poked his head
 inside. "You'd have to be a total animal to be  locked up like that,"
says Todd, who owns 25  acres and 35 cows. "I think it would drive me 
nuts. But we don't know who's going to  occupy the cell. He probably
deserves that or  worse."

Few Malone residents will wind up in these prefab pens. And neither
will you, unless you  go to prison and refuse to obey the rules- 
unless you slice another prisoner, cut a hole  in the fence, or stash
cocaine in your cell. If  you do misbehave, prison officials will slap
you  with time in the "box" or the "hole"- a  "special housing unit"
(SHU) set apart from  the general inmate population. On any given day,
close to 4000 of the state's 71,000  prisoners are doing time in
special housing  units at facilities across New York. They can  be in
there for a few weeks or many months.  Or they could be looking at 17
years, as Luis  Agosto was after he slammed a lieutenant in  the head
with a baseball bat during a 1997 riot  at Mohawk Correctional Facility.

As the state's SHU population has grown, prison officials have run out
of places to house  these inmates. To solve this dilemma, the  state
converted one of its maximum-security  prisons, Southport Correctional
Facility, into a  supermax in 1991. Putting hundreds of  troublesome
inmates together in one prison  helps keep the peace at other state
facilities.  "It's a major management tool," says Flateau.  But a few
months after Southport's  transformation, angry inmates staged a riot
to  protest conditions, taking three guards  hostage for 26 1/2 hours.

Southport is still a supermax, but the demand for places to send
rebellious prisoners  persists. So over the last year, prison
officials  have added 100 SHU cells to eight prisons  around the
state, and have begun housing two  men in each. The rest of the
solution lies with  Upstate. There, officials insist, the problems 
will be manageable. "When you get large  groups of inmates-that's
when you have problems," says Thomas Ricks, Upstate's  superintendent.
"But here there's never going  to be any large groups of inmates.
They're not  as likely to get in trouble because they're only  dealing
with their cell mate."

If you get sentenced to at least 75 days in the  box, you could find
yourself on a bus headed  to Upstate. The only way you can avoid this 
fate is if prison officials decide you are  mentally ill or a "known
homosexual." (In the  state prison system, sex is banned and a sort 
of "don't ask, don't tell" policy prevails; you are  a "known
homosexual" if you get caught  having sex or if you tell someone
you're gay.)

At Upstate, your new home will be a 105-square-foot rectangular room.
It'll be  bigger than any other state prison cell you've  lived in.
But it's still no larger than the  bathrooms in many Manhattan
apartments.  Step in and spread your arms, and your fingers will touch
both your bunk bed and the  wall. But don't even think about
rearranging the  furniture. The sink, toilet, desk, chair, mirror, and
bunk bed are already bolted to the cell's  five-inch-thick walls.

Prison officials say they will try to find you a  compatible cell
mate. If you smoke, you  should wind up with a smoker. If you're
small,  you're not supposed to get a roommate who  can easily
overpower you. Most likely, you'll  share a cell with someone who is
the same  race. You may spend your days obsessing  about whether he
has tuberculosis or HIV. And  if prison officials don't do a good job
matching cell mates, you could be assaulted or raped or  killed.

At first, it might not be so bad living with a roommate. He may help
you battle the  boredom, and he could stop you from becoming suicidal.
But it won't be long before  sharing a cell all day every day becomes 
unbearable. You'll be able to tell what your cell  mate has eaten for
breakfast by the stench of  his feces. And soon, you will feel like
you are  living inside his skin.

When you arrive at Upstate, the guards will confiscate most of your
possessions-  snacks, razors, radio, photographs. All you'll  have to
entertain you are a pen, paper, and  your cell mate. You won't be
trading gossip in  the mess hall, napping through ESL classes,  or
playing ball in the rec yard. In fact, you  won't be leaving your cell
at all. Food trays  arrive through a slot in the door, and there's a 
shower in the corner that's carefully regulated  to spew lukewarm
water three times a week.

You will almost never see the prison's 370 guards. Nor will you see
much of the 300  "cadre" inmates, who keep the facility running, 
mopping the halls and doing laundry. To stay  plugged in to the
prison's gossip mill, you may  try to chat with your neighbor on the
"telephone"- by plunging all the water out of  your toilet and
shouting down the pipe. But if  you're losing your mind, or if your
cell mate  turns out to be a "booty bandit" (rapist), you  better pray
the guard who is supposed to  check on you every half-hour intervenes.
Good  luck trying to get help from the outside world-  from a
journalist or an attorney with Prisoners' Legal Services (PLS). Prison
officials don't let  reporters interview inmates in the box, and 
Governor George Pataki shut down PLS last  year by decimating its budget.

A guard in a central tower will control your access to the outside
world. Each day, the  officer will unlock your back door by flipping a
 switch in the control room. Now is your time  for "recreation"- a
privilege that the courts  have said you must get. At Upstate, "rec
time"  means 60 minutes by yourself in the outdoor  cage attached to
the rear of your cell. It's  about half the size of your cell, just
big enough  to do jumping jacks. You could try to wrap  your fingers
around the steel-mesh fence and  do a few pull-ups. But you can't lift
barbells,  toss horseshoes, or shoot hoops. The cage is  empty. Of
course, even if you had a  basketball, there's barely enough room to 
dribble more than a couple of steps.

Looking out from your own personal rec area-what one of the prison's
architects describes  as a "caged balcony" and some guards call a 
"kennel"- you'll see other cages and a dirt  yard empty except for a
row of surveillance  cameras mounted on poles. Officers watch your
every move, and if you don't come in from  recess, they'll come get
you.

But if you do follow the rules and don't irk the  guards, you'll
regain a few privileges after 30  days. You'll be able to buy candy
from the  prison store, though you won't actually be able  to go there
and pick it out. And you'll get back  your own underwear, so you can
ditch that  state-issued pair. Stay clean and you will  eventually
escape this prison-within-a-prison.  You'll be shipped to another
facility to finish off  your sentence or sent straight back to the 
streets.

When Malone's townspeople discuss their  new supermax, phrases like
"double-celling"  or "inmate-on-inmate assaults" rarely pop up. 
Instead, they talk about family reunions.  Raymond Head, 35, is hoping
the new prison  brings home his brother Jamie. Back home,  the two
used to hang twice a week-  "wrestling, playing Nintendo, whatever
brothers do," Raymond says. But now that Jamie, 28,  has become a
guard at Eastern Correctional  Facility in Ulster County, he rarely
sees  Raymond, a guard and union leader at  Malone's Franklin
Correctional Facility.

Career options are so few in the North Country that prison guard has
become a popular  choice. Many correction officers spend the  bulk of
their twenties working in other parts of  the state before they can
collect enough  seniority to transfer home. When Raymond became a
correction officer in 1984, he was  assigned to Bedford Hills, the
women's  maximum-security prison in Westchester  County. There, he
earned $13,800 a year, and  lived in a $700-a-month studio apartment. 
Rents in the area were so steep that some of  his colleagues slept in
their cars.

Raymond survived on 99-cent Big Macs and dreamed of a transfer back to
Malone, where  his $45,000 annual salary far exceeds  Malone's median
household income, which  was $21,229 at the last census count. "I had 
no idea what I was getting myself into," recalls Raymond. "I thought
about quitting a couple  times down there. I was pretty homesick."

Raymond did nearly four years at Bedford Hills before he got home.
Since then, the wait for a  transfer back to the North Country has 
stretched to six or seven years. The opening  of Upstate could shorten
this delay. Jamie  filled out his "dream sheet" for a transfer to the 
new supermax, but ended up number 448.  "They're only taking 326,"
Raymond says. "So  he probably won't make it. He'll have to sit  back
and wait another year or a  year-and-a-half."

Mayor Tavernier grows excited when she talks about Upstate's opening.
"Malone has been  dying a bit," she says. "There's been no new 
business for a few years. Since the prison has  been announced, we
have . . . a wholesale  food place, Aldi, which we had not had in the
area. And Price Chopper is coming to Malone.  And a couple of
drugstores that had stores in  the area are building larger ones."

Indeed, when the construction dust clears, Malone will have a total of
four drugstores and  eight convenience stores. The enthusiasm the  new
stores have created seems to have little  to do with residents wanting
another place to  purchase aspirin or toothpaste, however. In  Malone,
pounding jackhammers and the growl  of bulldozers are less a nuisance
than a  morale booster.

The plethora of pharmacies in Malone is one of the few public signs of
the town's invisible  population. Local drugstores have contracts 
with the prisons; the inmates help keep them  in business. And the
best customers at the  town's many convenience stores are prison
guards, who often have long commutes. But  this retail boom hardly
meets everyone's  needs. "You go through this town and that's all  you
see- 24-hour convenience stores," says  Gerald K. Moll, the police
chief of Malone.  "You can't buy a pair of jeans, but you can get 
coffee and a newspaper."  Shoppers hunting for bargains once flocked
to  J.J. Newberry on Malone's Main Street. But  today, all they will
find if they rub the dirt off  the store's cracked windows is a
cavernous  room empty save for a plastic garbage pail.  J.J. Newberry
closed four years ago, and the  dog feces caked to the cement walkway
in  front appears to be almost that old. Sears has left town, too. Now
the best choice for  Malone's clothes shoppers is Kmart. A  waitress
at a Main Street diner tells visitors,  "When you go back to New York
City, bring  us some department stores!"

Hints of bitterness occasionally surface in conversations about
Upstate, since some  residents already feel left out of this new town.
 Lee Mandigo was thrilled when he first heard  the state was building
a prison less than a  quarter mile from his trailer home. "I thought, 
'Hell, I live at the bottom of the hill and I have  carpentry skills.
I could work up there for 18  months,' " says Lee, as he stands on his
front  lawn, nodding toward the evergreen trees in  the distance that
hide the supermax. But  when Lee, 34, tried to land a construction job
 at the prison, he says he was told there were  no more available. All
the work had been  contracted to out-of-town companies.

As the new supermax has grown, so has  Lee's frustration. He has had
to endure  watching the prison get a little closer to  completion each
time he drives by, knowing  that state money is flowing into other
people's  pockets but not his. More than a year has  passed since Lee
last saw a paycheck, and  even when he had a job building roofs and
additions for other people's homes, he earned  only $5.25 an hour.
"There's not enough work,"  he says, slouching forward as he shoves
his  hands deep into his jean pockets. "Everyone  is depressed."

To pay his bills and feed his two young children, Lee is clinging to
the same hope that  buoys many of his fellow townspeople. He's  trying
to get into the prison. When he's not  caring for his one-year-old
daughter, Lee pores  over photocopies he made at the local library  of
a study book for the prison guard exam.

Lee's other solution to his cash shortage involved sticking a for-sale
sign in front of his  house. Not long ago, he paid $6000 for these 
seven-and-three-quarters acres of land, then  bought a trailer home
for $7000. Lee figures  his only chance for reaping a profit lies with
 the families of Upstate's inmates, and he  plans to ask his real
estate agent to advertise  the property in a New York City newspaper.
Already, Lee says he knows what the ad will  say: "Be close to your
loved one! Bottom of  the hill! You can practically see 'em!"

Lee may be the only person in town who is hoping the new supermax
entices prisoners'  family members to move here. At Embers, the 
town's busiest diner, this possibility evokes  strong emotions. "The
ones that are in prison  now [in Malone], it's not that serious," says
Myra Fleury, the diner's 63-year-old owner,  who hustles around in a
pair of fuzzy slippers,  frying platefuls of bacon and refilling
coffee  mugs. "They're not killers. They're drug  addicts, deadbeat
dads." But the new inmates, Myra says, "won't be going home in  two or
three years. So I think you might see  more families moving in. That's
what people  are concerned about."

"People are always afraid of changes," says Molly Augusta, who works
the diner's grill.  Myra nods in agreement."Especially in small 
towns," she says.

The new prison has kept Malone's rumor mill grinding for nearly two
years. They're going to  put the state's death house in Malone.
They're  building a gas chamber. They're building a  women's prison.
They're building a prison  hospital. They're opening a home for the
criminally insane. They're building yet another  men's prison. They're
building housing for  inmates' relatives. State prison officials
insist none of these rumors are true. But that has  not stopped them
from flying around every bar  and coffee shop in town.

The town's most persistent rumor is that prisoners' families are
moving to Malone. This  fear is not completely far-fetched. A few 
inmates' relatives have moved to nearby  Dannemora to be closer to
Clinton  Correctional Facility, a maximum-security  prison. But this
rumor is repeated so often,  and with such conviction, that it seems
to be  about something far more than a handful of  relatives. Perhaps
the wives and mothers and  girlfriends and children of inmates
represent  everything Malone fears most. They are  mostly poor,
African American or Latino, and from New York City. Townspeople insist
that if  these strangers move here, they'll rob Malone  of its
small-town feel. Residents worry about  having to lock their doors
when they leave their  homes, or no longer recognizing most of their 
fellow shoppers at the Super Duper  Supermarket.

What concerns townspeople most is crime. It has been on the rise here
in recent years, and  many locals blame the prisons. There are no 
statistics showing that inmates' families are  the cause, however.
"The only people who get  in trouble are our local people," says
Molly,  flipping hamburgers on the grill. "When you  read about anyone
breaking into a place in the  paper, it's a local person-not someone 
whose husband is in prison."

When an almost all-white town is home to thousands of African American
and Hispanic  felons, anxieties about race and crime never  stray far
from the collective imagination. But  few people in Malone want to
talk about race.  One exception is Kaye K. Johnson, who estimates that
there are only 15 or 20 African  Americans living in Malone, including
her own  family. In 1990, Kaye, her husband, and their  then
five-year-old son came to Malone from  Trenton, New Jersey. "We moved
here to get  away from urban decay, crime, drug dealers  on the
corners," says Kaye, 51, as she serves  tea in the living room of her
tidy, split-level home. "We saw an ad in the paper: No crime.  Cheap
land. We called the number and they  flew us up here and we bought
some land  on sight."

Since arriving in Malone, Kaye has launched a one-woman campaign to
monitor and improve  the town's race relations. Every time the  Malone
Telegram or the Press- Republican in  nearby Plattsburgh mention
prisons or racial  incidents, Kaye cuts out the story. Her files are
bulging. Recent additions include an  article about a guard accused of
public nudity  (he was wandering around his porch dressed  only in
socks, then hiding behind a barbecue  when cars passed) and another
about a guard who was charged with sexually abusing an  inmate in a
prison laundry room (the inmate  fought back, slicing the guard's
penis with a  coffee can lid).

Rooting through her manila folders stuffed with  clippings, Kaye
wonders aloud how the  prisons have changed her town, how they have 
influenced residents' attitudes and behavior.  "I'd never been called
the N-word until I moved  here," says Kaye, a teaching assistant at
the  local middle school. "At the same time, I've  never met such nice
people as I did here  either. It's like two extremes." Kaye believes 
the prisons' racial imbalance is partly to blame  for how some Malone
residents treat her. "The  attitudes of correction officers spill over
into  the community," she says. "Many of them  haven't gone out of the
area, and the only  black people they know are in the prisons. I 
don't want to see these attitudes perpetuated."

So Kaye became Upstate's loudest opponent. Last year, she tried to
stop its construction by  filing a lawsuit with the help of the Center
for  Law and Justice, an antiprison group in  Albany. Their suit
included almost every  conceivable argument against the prison: that 
it would spread tuberculosis and HIV, that it  would increase noise in
the area, that it would  adversely affect the environment, that it
would cause traffic jams, that it would disrupt water  service. A
state supreme court judge ruled  against them, saying they had failed
to show  that Kaye herself would be adversely affected  by the new
supermax.  Like everybody else in town, Kaye worries  about crime, and
about all the worst aspects  of urban life coming to Malone. So she
too  prays that inmates' relatives do not buy homes  here. "I know all
prisoners' families are not  criminally prone or dangerous," Kaye
says.  "But you want your family to be safe and not  have to worry
about drive-by shootings. And  not that Malone is going to escalate to
that  point, but . . . certain types of people-no  matter what color
they are- I don't want them  around."

Three miles away from Kaye's home, workers are putting the final
touches on the new  prison-gluing tiles to the floors, sweeping up 
debris, preparing to add the superintendent's  name to the metal sign
out front. Soon the  construction trucks will pull out of Upstate's 
70-acre lot for the last time. People driving  down Route 37 at night
will see an even  brighter glow, as the new supermax joins with  the
town's two other prisons to light the sky  like a city in the
distance. Malone's residents  will not hear the shouts echoing down
the  corridors of their new high-security prison. But  as pairs of
violent criminals from New York  City and around the state move into
the  supermax's cells, Malone's residents will be  left to confront
their fears, to decide what  problems the prison solves and which ones
it  brings, and to wonder how this latest chapter  in America's
experiment in crime control will  end.  Research assistance: Hillary
Chute  Tell us what you think.   ---
MAP posted-by: Derek Rea