Pubdate: Sunday,June 13,1999 Source: Orange County Register (CA) Copyright: 1999 The Orange County Register Contact: http://www.ocregister.com/ Author: Timothy Egan-The New York Times TREATMENT REPLACING WAR ON DRUGS? Corrections: Policymakers give addiction programs a second look after seeing prison spending swell from narcotics offenders. Phoenix-A dozen years after the national alarm over crack hastened the decline of drug treatment in favor of punitive laws that helped create the world's largest prison system, anti-drug policy is taking another turn. Treatment is making a comeback, driven largely by a grass-roots revolt. Arizona has taken the boldest step. In defiance of the state's political establishment, voters took the law into their own hands and noted twice, by large majorities, to make Arizona the first state to mandate treatment instead of prison for criminal offenders whose primary legal problem is drug use. At least 40 states have set up drug courts to steer offenders toward treatment instead of jail. A number of states are considering changing their mandatory prison laws for drug offenders, most notably New York, which was the first to require long sentences for possession of small amounts of drugs 26 years ago. In the crack years of the 1980s, treatment programs were gutted while the drug-fighting budget quadrupled. News reports said crack was the most addictive substance known to man, and prisons started to fill with people who once might have gotten help instead. The number of Americans locked up on drug offenses grew from 50,000 in 1980 to 400,000 today. Yet even during the height of the prison boom, a number of treatment centers continued to have success, While not all addicts respond to treatment, these programs showed that crack was less addictive than some other street drugs, or even nicotine, and that many of its users responded to conventional group therapy. Habitual users of crack, according to a five-year federal survey of treatment published last year, showed greater success at staying clean than alcoholics. Some of the experts who called crack the worst drug of all have done an about face. "I've changed my view because of the data that has come in over the last 10 years," said Dr. Charles O'Brien, chief of psychiatry at the Veterans Administration Medical Center in Philadelphia, who in the late '80s described crack as "by far, the most addictive drug we've ever had to deal with." What changed his mind were national surveys that showed 84 percent of people who tried cocaine - either smoking it as crack or inhaling it in powder form - did not become addicted. He said he had also been swayed by a study he co-wrote of habitual users of crack who were assigned to treatment. A year after treatment, at least half tested free of drugs. Locking up crack users is still the policy in the federal system. But in Arizona, the same crack user prosecuted under state laws cannot be sent to prison. Instead, he must undergo drug treatment. The money for treatment comes from the offenders themselves and from a tax on liquor. Many states have adopted similar policies by establishing drug courts, which sentence people to treatment as a way to keep them out of jail. Started in Miami by judges and prosecutors frustrated by the conveyor-belt justice of the war on drugs, these courts have grown from a handful at the start of the decade to nearly 600 nationwide. Where basic state laws on mandatory sentences for a host of drug crimes have not changed, in many cases it is prosecutors who have discretion to send offenders to treatment, instead of filing charges that could lead to jail time. While critics say the dug courts coddle chronic abusers who belong in jail, the cost savings have won over many others. Treatment instead of prison saves about $20.000 per person annually, according to a study last year by the National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse at Columbia University. Gen. Barry McCaffrey, the director of national drug policy, has become a promoter of drug courts, saying they "constitute one of the most monumental changes in social justice in this country since World War 11." After three years as the drug czar, McCaffrey has concluded that treatment is the best way to reduce drug use. Arizona might seem an odd state to turn the table on American drug policy. Its voters are generally conservative and definitely not soft on crime. For years, the state's imprisonment rate has ranked among the top. And under the state's basic drug laws, it is a felony to possess even the smallest amount of drugs like marijuana. Arizona used to proclaim "zero tolerance" toward drugs. But in 1996, retired millionaire Joseph Sperling started a political rockslide that is still sending down stones. Sperling, who is 78 and calls himself a lifetime student of British empiricism and economic history, made his fortune by building a university system for profit and then taking public the company that ran the system, called Apollo. But he was not ready to retire. "As a social scientist, I thought the drug war was one of the most disastrous public policies I'd ever encountered," he said. Joined by philanthropist George Soros, who has spent millions of dollars on efforts to overturn drug laws in several states, Sperling became a principal financial backer of a 1996 initiative to change Arizona's drug laws, Proposition 200. Virtually the entire Arizona political establishment, the press and major national anti-drug leaders campaigned against Prop. 200. Its most controversial part could have made drugs like heroin, LSD or marijuana legal for medical purposes when prescribed by two doctors. But a less-discussed provision mandated treatment instead of prison for certain nonviolent offenders, mainly criminals whose core problem was drug addiction. Prop. 200 passed by a 2-1 margin. Then the state Legislature amended the measure, saying voters had committed a grave error. But then supporters of the original initiative put it up for another statewide vote in 1998 and again it passed, with a 57 percent majority. The part of the law that allowed doctors to prescribe major drugs has been effectively halted by federal restrictions on the medical use of such drugs. But the treatment provision was quietly put to work more than two years ago, and early results show that three-fourths of the people who complete treatment test clean for dugs afterward. Richard Nixon was the first president to declare a "war on drugs," but he also directed about two-thirds of all federal anti-drug money at treatment and prevention - with great success, as measured by sharp drops in crimes committed by drug addicts. His policy expanded federally financed treatment facilities from six in 1969 to more than 300 in 1973. Discouraged by news accounts of addicts who had skipped out of treatment, New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller became one of the first major politicians to turn against treatment. "Let's be frank," he said in a 1973 speech, "We have found no cure," Rockefeller created some of the nation's most punitive drug laws, which licked people up for 15 years for possessing certain drugs. For the next 20 years, the dominant sentiment among politicians and prosecutors was that "nothing works," and treatment fell out of favor - - particularly in the crack years. Locking up drug users, in the view of some criminologist, is a main reason why crime is down. But as many of the nation's 400,000 imprisoned drug offenders are released in the coming years, they are likely to follow a pattern that has already taken hold: The ones who have not been treated - the great majority - will commit another crime within five years. - --- MAP posted-by: Derek Rea